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DIOS ROME
AM
HISTORICAL NARRATIVE ORIGINALLY COMPOSED IN GREEK
DURING THE REIGNS OF SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS, GETA
AND CARACALLA, MACRINUS, ELAGA-
BALUS AND ALEXANDER SEVERUS:
NOW PRESENTED IN ENGLISH FORM
BV
HERBERT BALDWIN FOSTER,
A.B. (Harvard), Ph. D. (Johns Hopkins),
Acting Professor of Greek in Lehigh University
SECOND VOLUME
Extant Books S6-U (B. 0. 69~U)-
TROY NEW YORK
PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY
1905
n i\
COPYEIOHT 1905
PAFRAETS BOOK COMPANY
Troy New Yo&k
^3
VOLUME CONTENTS
PAQZ
Book Thirty-six 1
Book Thirty-seven --- 47
Book Thirty-eight 97
Book Thirty-nine 155
Book Forty 203
Book Forty-one 255
Book Forty-two 309
Book Forty-three 357
Book Forty-four 407
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
36
Metellus subdues Crete by force (chapters 1, 2) .*
Mithridates and Tigranes renew the war (chapter 3).
lucuUus does not take advantage of his victory: a successor
is appointed : he captures Tigranocerta (chapter 4) .
Arsaces, the Farthian, lends aid to neither party (chapter 5) .
Lucullus, after a rather disastrous conflict, besieges and cap-
tures Nisibis (chapters 6-8).
Meanwhile he loses the Armenias: Fabius is conquered
(chapters 10, 11).
Triarius follows Mithridates to Comana; is afterwards over-
come by him (chapters 12-15) .
Uprising in lucullus's army: Iffithridates regains everything
(chapters 16-19).
Insolence of the pirates (chapters 20-23) .
The consequent war, in spite of opposition on the part of
many, is by the Gabinian law entrusted to Fompey and is very
quickly brought to an end (chapters 23-37) .
Cornelian laws in regard to canvassing for office and edicts of
praetors: the Roscian in regard to seats for the knights: the
Manilian in regard to the voting of freedmen (chapters 38-42) .
The Mithridatic war by the Manilian law is given in chargfe
of Fompey (chapters 43, 44).
Fompey vanquishes Mithridates in a night battle (chapters
45-50).
Tigranes, the father, surrenders himself: his son is put in
chains (chapters 51-53) .
An attack of the Albani is repulsed (chapter 54) .
DURATION OF TIME.
ft. Hortensius, ft. Csecilius Metellus Creticus Coss. (B. C. 69
= a. u. 685.)
L. Csecilius Metellus (dies,t then) ft. Marcius Eex alone.
(B. C. 68 = a. u. 686.)
M.' Acilius Glabrio, C. Calpumius Fiso. (B. C. 67 =
a. u. 687.)
L. Volcatius TuUus, M.' aimilius Lepidus. (B. C. 66 =
a. u. 688.)
* As far as chapter 80 this argvunent of Leundavius wiU be found to follow a differ-
ent division of Book Thirty-six from that adopted by Melber and employed lithe
present translation. ^ '
t His death occurred early in the year.
2
(BOOK 36, BOISSEVAIN.)
The beginning of this book is missing in the MSS. The gist of the
lost portion may in all probability be gathered from the following
sentences of Xiphilinus (p. 3, R. Steph.) :
" When the consuls drew lots, Hortensius obtained the war against
the Cretans. Because of his fondness, however, for residence in tho
capital, and because of the courts (in which his influence was only
second to Cicero's) he voluntarily relinquished the campaign in favor
of his colleague and himself remained at home. ISdietellus accordingly
started for Crete . . .
"Lucius Lucullus at about this period worsted the lords of Asia,^-
Mithridates and Tigranes the Armenian, — in the war, and having com-
pelled them to avoid a pitched battle proceeded to besiege Tigranocerta.
The barbarians did him serious injury by means of their archery as
well as by the naphtha which they poured over his engines. This
chemical is full of bitumen and is so fiery that whatever it touches it is
sure to burn to a cinder, and it can not be extinguished by any liquid.
As a consequence Tigranes recovered courage and marched forth with an
army of such huge proportions that he actually laughed heartily at the
appearance of the Romans present there. He is said to have remarked
that in cases where they came to make war only a few presented them,-
selves, but when it was an embassy, many came. However, his amuse-
ment was of short duration, and he forthwith discovered how far
courage and skill surpass any mere numbers. Relics of his subsequent
flight were found by the soldiers in the shape of his tiara and the band
that goes around it; and they gave them to Lucullus. In his fear
that these marks might lead to his recognition and capture he had pulled
them off and thrown them away."
. . . and because he had enjoyed the extremes of ~*T„
fortune in both respects, he allowed it. For after his (»• «• 685)
many defeats and victories no fewer, he had a firm
belief that he had ia consequence become more versed
in generalship. His foes accordingly busied them-
selves as if they were then for the first time beginning
war, sending an embassy to their various neighbors,
including among others Arsaces the Parthian, although
he was hostile to Tigranes on account of some disputed
territory. This they offered to vacate far hioij and
3
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 69 proceeded to malign the Eomans, saying that the latter,
{a. u. 685) gj^Q^j^ ^j^^y conquer them while isolated, would imme-
diately make a campaign against him. Every victori-
ous force was inherently insatiable of success and put
no bound to acquisition, and the Romans, who had won
the mastery over many, would not choose to leave him
alone.
— 2— While they were so engaged, Lucullus did not follow
up Tigranes, but allowed him to reach safety quite at
leisure. Because of this he was charged by the citi-
zens, as well as others, with refusing to end the war, in
order that he might retaia his command a longer time.
Therefore they then restored the province of Asia to
the praetors, and later, when he apparently acted in this
way again, sent to him the consul of that year, to re-
lieve him. Tigranocerta he did seize when the foreign-
ers that dwelt with the natives revolted to the side of
the Armenians. The most of these were Cilicians who
had once been deported, and they let in the Romans
during the night. Thereupon everything was laid
waste except what belonged to the CUicians ; and many
wives of the principal chiefs Lucullus held, when cap-
tured, free from outrage: by this action he won over
their husbands also. He received further Antiochus,
king of Commagene (the Syrian country near the Eu-
phrates and the Taurus), and Alchaudonius, an Ara-
bian chieftain, and others who had made proposals for
peace.
<=8— From them he learned of the embassy sent by Ti-
granes and Mithridates to Arsaces, and despatched
to him, on his part, some of the allies with threats, in
case he should aid the foe, and promises, if he should
4
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
espouse the Eoman cause. Arsaces at that time (for , b. c, 69.
^ (o. u. 685)
he still nourished anger against Tigranes and felt no
suspicion toward the EomajQs) sent a counter-embassy
to Lucullus, and established friendship and alliance.
Later, at sight of Secilius,^ who had come to him, he
began to suspect that the emissary was there to spy out
the country and his power. It was for this cause, h©
thought, and not for the sake of the agreement which
had already been made that a man distinguished in
warfare had been sent. Hence he no longer rendered
them any help. On the other hand, he made no oppo-
sition, but stood aloof from both parties, naturally
wishing neither to grow strong. He decided that an
evenly balanced contest between them would bring him
the greatest safety.
Besides these transactions Lucullus this year sub- —4 —
dued many parts of Armenia. In the year of Quintus (». ■„.' 686)
Marcius (Note by the author. — By this I mean that
although he was not the only consul appointed, he was
the only one that held office. Lucius Metellus, elected
with him, died in the early part of the year, and the
man chosen in his stead resigned before entering upon
office, wherefore no one else was appointed.), — in this
year, then, when summer was half way through (in the
spring it was impossible to invade hostile territory by
reason of the cold), Lucullus entered upon a campai^
and devastated some land purposing to draw the bar-
barians, while defending it, imperceptibly into battle.
As he could not rouse them for all that, he attacked.
In this engagement the opposing cavalry gave the — 5 —
1 This man's name is given as Sextilius by Plutarch (Life of Lucullus,
chapter 25) and Appian (Mithridatic Wars, chapter 84).
5
— 6
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 68 Eoman cavalry hard work, but none of the foe ap-
(a. M. 686) ^ ' i.T J. . 1
proached the infantry; indeed, whenever the toot-sol-
diers of Lucullus assisted the horse, the adversaries of
the Romans would turn to flight. Far from suffering
harm, however, they shot backward at those pursuing
them, killing some instantly and wounding great num-
bers. Such wounds were dangerous and hard to heal.
This was because they used double arrow-points and
furthermore poisoned them, so that the missiles,
whether they stuck fast anywhere in the body or were
drawn out, would quickly destroy it, since the second
iron point, having no attachment, would be left within.
Lucullus, since many were being wounded, some were
dying, and some were being maimed, and provisions
at the same time were failing them, retired from that
place and marched against Nisibis. This city is built
in the region called Mesopotamia (Author's note. —
Mesopotamia is the name given to all the country be-
tween the Tigris and Euphrates.) and now belongs to
us, being considered a colony of ours. But at that time
Tigranes, who had seized it from the Parthians, had
deposited in it his treasuries and most of his other
possessions, and had stationed his brother as guard
over it. Lucullus reached this city in summer time,
and although he directed his attacks upon it in no half-
hearted fashion, he effected nothing. For the walls
being of brick, double and of great thickness, with a
deep moat intervening, could be neither shaken down
nor dug through and consequently Tigranes was not
_7_ lending them assistance. When winter set in, and the
6
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
"barbarians were behaving rather carelessly, inasmuch .^•^' g|gv
as they had the upper hand and were all but expecting
to drive out the Romans, LucuUus waited for a night
without a moon, when there was a violent storm of
thunder and rain, so that the foe, not being able to see
ahead or hear a sound, left the outer city (all but a few
of them) and the intervening moat. He then assailed
the wall at many points, ascending it without difficulty
from the mounds, and easily slew the guards, not many
in number, who had been left behind upon it. In this
way he filled up a part of the moat — the barbarians
had broken down the bridges in advance — and got
across, since in the downpour neither archery nor fire
could harm him. Immediately he captured nearly
everything, for the ianer circle was not very strong
"by reason of the confidence felt iu the outer works be-
yond it. Among those that fled to the acropolis, whom
he subsequently caused to capitulate, was the brother
of Tigranes. He also obtained considerable money
and passed the winter there.
Nisibis, then, he overpowered as described, but many _8_
localities of Armenia and the other countries around
Pontus he lost. Tigranes had not aided the town ia
question through the idea that it could not be captured,
but had hurried to the aforementioned places to see if
he could acquire them before LucuUus, while the latter
was occupied near the other city. Despatching Mithri-
dates to his native land, Tigranes himself entered his
own district of Armenia. There he was opposed by
Lucius Fannius, whom he cut off and besieged, how-
7
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 68 ever, until LucuUus ascertaining it sent assistance.
{a. u. 686) ' , . -, 1 ,1 J.1 A
—9— Meanwhile Mithridates had invaded the other Ar-
menia and surrounding neighborhood, where he fell
upon and destroyed many of the Eomans to whom he
appeared unexpectedly as they were wandering about
the country. Others he annihilated in battle, and
thereby won back speedily most of the positions. For
the men of that land were well disposed toward him
because of kinship and because of his being hereditary
monarch: they hated the Eomans because the latter
were foreigners and because they had been ill treated
by those set over them. Consequently they sided with
Mithridates and afterward conquered Marcus Fabius,
leader of the Eomans in that place. The Thracians,
who had formerly been mercenaries under Mithridates,
but were then with Fabius, and the slaves present in
the Eoman camp gave them vigorous assistance,
Thracians sent ahead by Fabius to reconnoitre brought
back to him no reliable report, and later, when Mith-
ridates suddenly fell upon him as he was proceeding
along in a rather unguarded fashion, they joined in the
attack on the Eomans, At the same instant the slaves
(to whom the barbarians had proclaimed freedom)
took a hand in the work. They would have crushed
their adversaries, had not Mithridates while occupied
with the enemy — although over seventy years old he
was in the battle — been hit with a stone. This caused
the barbarians to fear that he might die; and while
they halted battle on this account, Fabius and the
— 10— others were able to escape to safety. The Eoman gen-
8.
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
era! was subsequently shut up and besieged in Cabira, ,^'^'q^q^
but was rescued by Triarius. The latter was in that
"vicinity on his way from Asia to LucuUus. Having
learned what had happened he collected as large a
force as was possible with the resources at hand and in
his advance so alarmed Mithridates (probably by the
size of the Eoman detachment) as to make him with-
draw before Triarius came in view. At this the
Bomans took courage, and pursuing the enemy as far
as Comana, whither he had retired, won a victory over
him. Mithridates was in camp on the opposite side of
the river from the point where the Eomans ap-
proached, and was anxious to join battle while they
Tvere worn out from the march. Accordingly he him-
self met them first, and directed that at the crisis of
the battle others should cross from another direction,
by a bridge, to take part in the attack. But whereas
he fought an equal conflict a long time he was deprived
of reinforcements by the confusion on the bridge across
which many were pushing at one time, crowded all
together.
Thereafter they both retreated to their own fortifica- — ii —
iions and rested, for it was now winter. Comana be-
longs to the present territory of Cappadocia and was
reported to have preserved right through to that time
the Tauric statue of Artemis and the race of Agamem-
non. As to how these reached them or how remained
there I can find no certain account, since there are
various stories. But what I understand accurately I
will state. There are two cities in Cappadocia not far
9
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 68 apart and of the same name whicli contend for the
(a. u. 686) ^ . 1 1 -1 -J.
same honors. Their myths and the rehcs they exhibit
are alike, and both treasure a sword, which is sup-
posedly the very one connected with the story of
Iphigenia.
— 12— To resume our narrative. The following year, in
B. C. 67 . . ,
{a. u. 687) the consulship of Manius Acilius and Gains Piso, Mith-
ridates encamped against Triarius near Gaziura, try-
ing to challenge and provoke him to battle; for inci-
dentally he himself practiced watching the Bomans and
trained his army to do so. His hope was to engage
and vanquish Triarius before LucuUus came up and
thus get back the rest of the province. As he could
not arouse him, he sent some men to Dadasa, a garrison
where the Eomans' baggage was deposited, in order
that his opponent by defending it might be drawn into
conflict. And so it was. Triarius for a time fearing
the numbers of Mithridates and expecting Lucullus^
whom he had sent for,^ remained quiet. But when
news came of the siege of Dadasa, and the soldiers in
fear for the place got disturbed and kept threatening
that if no one would lead them out they would go to
the rescue at their own bidding, he reluctantly left his
position. As he was now moving forward the bar-
barians fell upon him, surrounded and overwhelmed
by their numbers those near at hand, and encompassed
with cavalry and killed those who, not knowing that
the river had been directed into the plain, had fled
_ j3 _ thither. They would have destroyed them utterly, had
iCobet's fiereTzinsfinro in place of Vat. AfisTsni/insTO.
10
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Jiot one of the Romans, pretending to come from the B. c. 67
' ^ _ ., (o. M. 687)
allies of Mithridates — no few of whom, as I have said,
were along with the expedition on an equal footing
"with the Eomans, — approached the leader, as if wish-
ing to make some communication, and wounded him.
To be sure, the fellow was immediately seized and put
to death, but the barbarians were so disheartened in
view of the occurrence that many of the Eomans es-
caped.
When Mithridates had had his wound cured, he sus-
pected that there were some others, too, of the enemy
in the camp. So he held a review of the soldiers as if
with a different purpose, and gave the order that they
should retire singly to their tents with speed. Then
he despatched the Eomans, who were thus left alone.
At this juncture the arrival of LucuUus gave the idea —14 —
to some that he would conquer Mithridates easily, and
soon recover all that had been let slip: however, he
effected nothing. For his antagonist, entrenched on
the high ground near Talaura, would not come out
against him, and the other Mithridates from Media,
son-in-law of Tigranes, fell upon the Eomans whUe
scattered, and killed many of them. Likewise the ap-
proach of Tigranes himself was announced.
Then there was mutiny in the army, for the Valeri-
ans,^ who had been exempted from military service
and afterward had started on a campaign again, had
been restless even at Nisibis on account of the victory
1" Valerians" was a name given to the Twentieth Legion. (Sue
Livy VI, 9.)
11
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 and ensuing idleness, and also because they had had
provisions in abundance and the bulk of the manage-
ment, LucuUus being absent on many errands. But it
was chiefly because a certain Publius Clodius (whom
some called Claudius) under the influence of an innate
love of revolution solidified the seditious element
among them, though his sister was united in wedlock
to Lucullus. They were especially wrought up at that
time, moreover, through heariag that Acilius the con-
sul, who had been sent out to relieve Lucullus for rea-
sons mentioned, was drawing near. They held him
in slight repute, regarding him as a mere private citi-
— 15— zen. Lucullus was in a dilemma both for these reasons
and because Marcius* (consul the year before Acilius),
who was en route to Cilicia, the province he was des-
tined to govern, had refused a request of his for aid.
He hesitated to depart through a barren country and
feared to stand his ground: hence he set out against
Tigranes, to see if he could repulse the latter while off
his guard and tired from the march, and thus put a
stop, to a certain extent, to the mutiny of the soldiers.
He attained neither object. The army accompanied
him to a certain spot from which it was possible to
turn aside into Cappadocia, and all with one consent
without a word turned off in that direction. The Vale-
rians, indeed, learning that they had been exempted,
from the campaign by the authorities at home, with-
drew altogether.
— 16— Let no one wonder that Lucullus, who had proved
1 Q. Maroius Bex.
12
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
himself of all men most versed in warfare, and was b. c. 67
the first Roman to cross the Taurus with an army and
for hostile operations, who had vanquished two pow-
erful kings and would have captured them if he had
chosen to end the war quickly, was unahle to rule his
fellow-soldiers, and that they were always revolting and
finally left him in the lurch. He required a great deal
of them, was difficult of access, strict in his demands
for labor, and inexorable in his punishments : he did
not understand how to win over a man by argument,
or to attach him to himself by kindliness, or to make
a comrade of him by sharing honors or wealth,— all
of which means are necessary, especially in a large
body, and most of all in a body of soldiers. Hence the
soldiers, as long as they prospered and got booty that
was a fair return for their dangers, obeyed him: but
when they encountered trouble and fell into fear in-
stead of hopes, they no longer heeded him at aU. The
proof of this is that Pompey took these same men (he
enrolled the Valerians again) and kept them without
the slightest show of revolt. So much does man differ
from man.
After this action of the soldiers Mithridates won
back almost all his domain and wrought dire devasta-
tion in Cappadocia, since neither LucuUus defended it,
under the excuse that Acilius was near, nor Acilius
himself. For the latter, who in the first place was hur-
rying on to rob LucuUus of the fruits of victory, now,
when he learned what had taken place, did not come to
the camp, but delayed in Bithynia. As for Marcius,
13
17 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 the pretext which he gave for not assisting Lucnllus
was that his soldiers refused to follow him. When he
reached Cilicia he received one Menemachus, a deserter
from Tigranes, and Clodius who had revolted under
Lucullus, and, fearing a repetition of the doings at
Nisibis, he put him in command of the fleet; for Mar-
cius, too, had one of his sisters as wife. Now Clodius,
after being captured by the pirates and released by
them LQ consequence of their fear of Pompey, came to
Antioch in Syria, declaring that he would be their
ally against the Arabians, with whom the people were
then at variance. There, likewise, he caused some to
revolt, and his activity nearly cost him his life.
— 18— ... he spares.^ In his eagerness for supremacy
he assailed even the Cre,tans who had come to terms
with him, and not heeding their objection that there
was a state of truce he hastened to do them harm be-
fore Pompey came up. Octavius, who was there, had
no troops and so kept quiet : in fact, he had not been
sent to do any fighting, but to take charge of the cities.
Cornelius Sisenna, the governor of Greece, did, to be
iThe subject must be Quintus Caecilius Metellus. This is the
point at which the Medicean manuscript (see Introduction) now be-
gins, and between what goes before and what follows there is an obvious
gap of some kind. A few details touching upon the close of the Cretan
■war may be found in Xiphilinus (p. 1, 1^20), as follows:
"And [Metellus] subjugated the entire island, albeit he was hindered
and restrained by Pompey the Great, who was now lord of the whole
sea and of the mainland for a three days' march from the coast; for
Pompey asserted that the islands also belonged to him. Nevertheless,
in spite of Pompey's opposition, Metellus put an end to the Cretan
war, conducted a triumph in memory thereof, and was given the title
of Cretieus."
It should be noted in passing that J. Hilberg (Zeitschrift f. oest.
Gymn., 1889, p. 213) thinks that the proper place for the chapter
numbered 16 is after 17, instead of before it.
14
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
sure, when he heard the news, come to Crete, and ad- , b. C. 67
' ' (o. M. 687)
vise Metellus to spare the villages, but on failing to
persuade him made no active opposition. Metellus,
after many other outrages, captured by treachery the
city Eleuthera and extorted money from it. The
traitors had repeatedly at night saturated with vinegar
a very large brick tower, most difficult of capture, so
that it became brittle. Next he took by storm Lappa,
in spite of Octavius's occupancy, and did the latter no
harm, but put to death the Cilioians, his followers.
Octavius, incensed at this, no longer remained quiet, — et —
but first used the army of Sisenna (that general had
fallen sick and died) to aid here and there the victims
of oppression, and then, when the detachment of Metel-
lus had retired, proceeded to Aristion at Hieropydna,
by whose side he fought. Aristion, on the retreat from
Cydonia about that time, had conquered one Lucius
Bassus who sailed out to oppose him, and had gained
possession of Hieropydna. They held out for a whUe,
but at the approach of Metellus left the fortification
and put to sea. There they encountered a storm, and
were driven ashore, losing many men. Henceforth
Metellus was master of the entire island.
In this way the Cretans, who had been free through
all preceding ages and had never owned a foreign lord,
were enslaved; and from their subjugation Metellus
obtained his title. He was, however, unable to have
Panares and Lasthenes (whom he had also captured)
march in his triumph. For Pompey had got them away
beforehand by persuading one of the tribunes that it
was to him they had submitted and not to Metellus.
15
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^^°~ I will now relate the progress of Pompey's career.
(o. It. 687) The pirates, occupied in plundering, kept troubling
continually those who sailed as well as the dwellers on
land. There was never a time when piracy was not
practiced, nor may it cease so long as the nature of
mankind remains the same. But formerly plundering
was limited to certain localities and small bands op-
erating only during the regular season on sea and on
land; whereas at this time, ever since war had been
carried on continuously in many different places, and
many cities had been uprooted, while sentences hung
over the heads of all the fugitives even, and fear con-
fronted men in everything, large numbers turned to
plundering. Now the bandit organizations on the
mainland, being rather in sight of towns, which could
thus perceive a source of injury close by, proved not
so very difficult to overwhelm and were somehow
broken up with a fair degree of ease ; but those on the
sea had grown to the greatest proportions. While the
Eomans were busy with antagonists they flourished.
They sailed about to many quarters, adding to their
band all of like condition, and some of these, after the
— 21— fashion of allies, assisted many others. How much
they accomplished with the help of the outsiders has
been told. When those nations were overthrown, in-
stead of ceasing they did much serious damage alone
by themselves to the Eomans and Roman allies. They
were no longer in small force, but were accustomed to
sail in great expeditions; and they had generals, so
that they had acquired a great reputation. They
robbed and harried first and foremost sailors : for suchi
16
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
not even the winter season was any longer safe; the . ^- ^- ^J..
" " (a. u. toy)
pirates through daring and through practice and
through success were now showing absolute fearless-
ness in their seamanship. Second, they pillaged even
craft lying in harbors. If any one ventured to put out
against them, usually he was defeated and perished;
but even if he conquered he woxdd be unable to capture
any of the enemy by reason of the speed of their ships.
Accordingly, they would return after a little, as if
victors, to ravage and set in flames not only farms and
country districts, but also whole cities. But other
places they conciliated, so as to gain apparently
friendly naval stations and winter quarters.
As they progressed by these means it became cus- —23 —
ternary for them to go into the interior, and they did
much mischief even among those who had no sea-traf-
fic. This is the way they treated not only those outside
of their body of allies, but the land of Italy itself. Be-
lieving that they would obtain greater gains from that
quarter and that they would terrify all others still
more, if they refused to hold their hands even from that
country, they sailed into the very harbor of Ostia, and
also of other cities in the vicinity, burned the ships and
ravaged everything. Finally, as no setback occurred,
they took up their abode on the land, disposing of what-
ever men they did not kill, and of the spoils they took
quite fearlessly, as if in their own territory. And
though some plundered in one region and others else-
where,— it not being possible for the same persons to
do harm the whole length of the sea,— they neverthe-
less showed such friendship one for another that they
sent money and assistance even to those entirely un-
voL. 2 — 2 17
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 known, as if to nearest kin. One of the largest ele-
ments in their strength was that those who helped
any of them all would honor, and those who came into
collision with any of them all would despoil.
— 83— To such an extent did the supremacy of the pirates
grow that their hostility became a matter of moment,
constant, admitting no precaution, implacable. The
Eomans, of course, from time to time heard and saw a
little of what was going on, inasmuch as imports in
general ceased coming in and the corn supply was shut
off entirely; but tiiey gave no serious attention to it
when they ought. On the contrary, they would send
out fleets and generals, according as they were stirred
by individual reports, but effected nothing; instead,
they caused their allies all the greater distress by these
very means, until they were finally reduced to extrem-
ities. Then at last they came together and deliberated
many days as to what steps must be taken. Wearied
' by the continued dangers and noting how great and
far reaching was the war raised against them, and be-
lieving, too, that it was impossible to assail the pirates
all at once or individually, because the latter gave mu-
tual assistance and it was impracticable to drive them
back everywhere at once, the people fell into a dilemma
and into great despair of making any successful stroke.
In the end one Aulus Gabinius, a tribune, set forth his
plan : he was either prompted by Pompey or wished to
do him some favor; certainly he was not impelled by
any love of the common welfare, for he was the vilest
of men: his plan was that they should choose from
among the ex-consuls one general with full powers
over all, srho should command for three years and
18
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
have the use of a huge force, with many lieutenants, b. c. 67
He did not actually utter the name of Pompey, but it
was easy to see that if once the multitude should hear
of any such proposition, they would choose him. So it —24 —
turned out. His motion was carried and immediately
all save the senate began to favor Pompey. That body
was in favor of enduring anything whatever at the
hands of the freebooters rather than to put so great
command into Pompey 's hands. In fact they came
near slaying Gabinius in the very halls of the senate,
but he eluded them somehow. "When the people learned
the intention of the senators they raised an uproar, go-
ing to the point of making a rush at them as they sat
assembled : and if the elders had not gotten out of the
way, the populace would without doubt have killed
them. They all scattered and secreted themselves ex-
cept Gains Piso the consul (it was in his year and
Acilius's that these events took place), who was ar-
rested and condenmed to perish for the others; but
Gabinius begged him off. After this the leading men
themselves gladly held their peace on condition of be-
ing allowed to live, but used influence on the nine trib-
unes, to have them oppose Gabinius. All of the latter,
however, except a Lucius Trebellius and Lucius Eos-
cius, out of fear of the multitude would not say a word
in opposition; and those two men, who had the courage,
were unable to redeem any of their promises by either
word or deed. For when the appointed day came on
which the motion was to be ratified, things went as
follows.
Pompey, who was thoroughly anxious to command,
and already by reason of his own ambition and the
19
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^" ^' 687* ^®^^ °^ *^® populace no longer so much, regarded this
commission as an honor as. the failure to "win it a dis-
grace, seeing the opposition of those ia power had a
wish to appear as if compulsion were being used. In
general he was as little as possible in the habit of re-
vealing his real desires, but still more on this occasion
did he feign reluctance, because of the ensuing jeal-
ousy, should he of his own accord lay claim to the
leadership, and because of the glory if he should be ap-
pointed unwillingly as the one most worthy to '
command.
— 25— He now came forward and said: " Quirites, I re-
joice at the honor laid upon me by you. All men nat-
urally take pride in benefits conferred upon them by the
citizens, and I, who have often enjoyed honors at your
hands, scarcely know how to be worthily pleased at the
present contingency. However, I do not think that you
, should be so insatiable with regard to my services, nor
that I should incessantly be in some position of com-
mand. For I have labored since childhood, and as you
know, you should be promoting others as well. Do you
not recall how many toils I underwent in the war
against Cinna, though I was the veriest youth, or how
many labors in Sicily and in Africa before I had quite
reached the age of iuvenis, or how many dangers I
encountered in Spain, while I was not as yet a senator?
I shall not say that you have shown yourselves un-
grateful toward me for all these labors. How could I?
Quite the reverse, in addition to the many other im-
portant favors of which you have deemed me worthy,
the very fact that I was trusted to undertake the post
20
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
of general against Sertorius, when no one else was ^'^'^L^
either willing or able, and that I held a triumph, con-
trary to custom, after resigning it, brought me the
greatest honor. I only say that I have undergone many
anxieties and many dangers, that I am worn out in
body and wearied in soul. Do not keep reckoning that
I am still young, nor calculate that I have lived just
so many years. For if you count up the campaigns
that I have made and the dangers I have faced, you
will find them far more in number than my years, and
by this means you will more readily believe that I can
no longer withstand the anxieties and the hardships.
" Some one might possibly reply : * But you see that — se —
all such opportunities for toil are causes of jealousy
and hatred.' This feature you hold in no account —
you ought not properly even to pretend to regard it —
but to me it would prove most grievous. And I must
admit that I am not so much disturbed or troubled by
any danger to be encountered in the midst of wars as
by such exhibitions. For what person in his right mind
could take pleasure in living among men who are
jealous of him, and who would feel the heart to carry-
out any public enterprise, if destined in case of failure
to submit to punishment and if successful to be the ob-
ject of rancorous envy? In view of these and other
considerations aUow me to remain at peace and attend
to my own business, so that now at last I may bestow
some care upon my private affairs and not perish from
exhaustion. Against the pirates elect somebody else.
There are many who are both willing and able to serve
as admirals, both younger and older men, so that your
21
— 27 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 choice from so numerous a company becomes easy. Of
(o. u. 687)
course I am not the only one who loves you, nor am
I alone skilled in warfare, but — not seeming to favor
any by mentioning names — equally so is A or B."
At this point in his harangue Gabinius, interrupt-
ing, cried: " Pompey's behavior in this very matter,
Quirites, is worthy of his character. He does not seek
the leadership, nor does he accept it without thought
when granted him. An upright man has no business,
generally speaking, to desire the annoyances incident
to office, and it is Pompey's way to undertake all tasks
imposed upon him only with due consideration, in order
that he may accomplish them with corresponding
safety. Precipitation in promises and in action, more
hasty than the occasion demands, causes the downfall
of many ; but exactitude at the start as well as in exe-
cution possesses a constant value and is to the advan-
tage of all. You must choose not what would satisfy
Pompey, but what is of benefit to the state. Not office-
seekers, but those who have capacity should be ap-
pointed to the business in hand: the former exist in
very large numbers, but any other such man as my
candidate you will not find. You recall, further, how
many reverses of a serious nature we endured in the
war against Sertorius through lack of a general, and
that we found no one else among young or old adapted
to it except the man before you; and that we sent him
to the field in place of both consuls, although at that
time he had not yet reached a mature age and was not
a member of the senate. I should be glad if we did
have many able men, and if I ought to pray for such,
22
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
I "would so pray: since, however, this ability does not b. c. 67
depend on prayer or come of its own accord to any one,
but a man has to be born with, a natural bent for it,
to learn what is pertinent and practice what is fitting
and beyond everything to enjoy good fortune, which
would very rarely fall to the lot of the same man,
you must all unanimously, whenever such an one is
found, both support him and make the fullest use of
him even if he does not wish it. Such violence proves
most noble both to him who exerts it and to him who
suffers it, — to the former because he would be pre-
served by it, and to the latter because it would preserve
the citizens, in whose behalf the excellent and patriotic
man would most readily give up both body and soul.
" Do you think that whereas this Pompey when a —28 —
youth could conduct campaigns, be general, increase
our possessions, preserve those of our allies, and ac-
quire those of our adversaries, now, iu the prime of
life, when every man fairly surpasses himself, with a
mass of additional experience gained from wars he
could not prove most useful to you? "Will you reject,
now that he has reached man's estate, him whom while
iuvenis you chose to lead? Will you not confide this
campaign to the man, now become a member of the
senate, to whom while still a knight you committed
those wars? Will you not, now that you have most
amply tested his mettle, commit the present emergency,
no less pressing than former ones, to him for whom
alone you asked in the face of those urgent dangers ere
you had applied any accurate test at all ? Will you not
send out against the pirates one, now an ex-consul,
23
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 wliom before he could yet properly hold ofl&ce you
(a. «. 687) w i J. ^
elected against Sertorius? Eather, do not for a mo-
ment adopt any other course ; and Pompey, do you heed
your country, and me. By her you were borne, by her
you were reared. You must be a slave to whatever is
for her advantage, not shrinking from any hardship
or danger to secure it. And should it become necessary
for you to lose your life, you must in that case not
await your fated day but embrace whatever death
— 29— meets you. But truly I am ridiculous to give you this
advice, — you who in so many great conflicts have ex-
hibited both your bravery and your love for your
country. Heed me, therefore, and these citizens here;
do not fear because some are envious. Eather press on
all the more for this very reason to a goal which is the
friendship of the majority and the common advantage
of us all, and scorn your traducers. Or^ if you are
willing to grieve them a little, take command for this
very reason, that you may distress them by serving
and winning glory contrary to their expectations, and
that you may in person set an ending worthy of your-
self beside your former accomplishments, by ridding us
of many great evils."
— 30— When G-abinius had thus expressed himself, Trebel-
lius strove to make a dissenting speech; but as he did
not receive leave to speak he proceeded to oppose the
casting of a vote. Gabinius was incensed, and delayed
the balloting regarding Pompey, but introduced a new
motion concerning the same man. The first seventeen
tribes to register an opinion decided that Trebellius
was at fault and might be no longer tribune. And not
imtil the eighteenth was on the point of voting the same
24
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
way, was lie barely induced to maintain silence. Eos- , b. c. 67
. (o. «. 687)
cms, seeing this, did not dare utter a word, but by a
gesture of his raised hand urged them to choose two
men, so that he might by so doing cut off a little of
Pompey's supremacy. At this gesticulation of his the
crowd gave a great threatening shout, whereat a crow
flying above their heads was so startled that it fell as
if smitten by lightning. After that Eoscius kept not
only his tongue but his hand still. Catulus was for
remaining silent, but Gabinius urged him to make some
speech, inasmuch as he ranked among the foremost in
the senate and it seemed likely that through his agency
the rest might reach a harmonious decision; it was
Gabinius 's hope, likewise, that he would join in ap-
proving the general desire from the fact that he saw
the tribunes in bad straits. Accordingly Catulus re-
ceived permission to speak, since all respected and
honored him as one who at all times spoke and acted
for their advantage, and delivered an address about as
follows :
" That I have been exceedingly zealous, Quirites, in —31 —
behalf of your body, all of you, doubtless, clearly un-
derstand. This being so, it is requisite for me to set
forth in simple fashion and quite frankly what I know
to be for the good of the State; and it is only fair for
you to listen to it calmly and afterward to deliberate.
For, if you raise an uproar, you will fail of obtaining
some perhaps very useful suggestion which you might
have heard, but if you pay attention to what is said you
will be sure to discover definitely something to your
advantage. I for my part assert in the first place most
emphatically that it is not proper to confide to any one
25
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
(^' ^' fi87i ^^^ s*' many positions of command, one after another.
This has been forbidden by law, and by test has been
found to be most perilous. What made Marius such a
monster was practically nothing else than being en-
trusted with so many wars in the briefest space of time
and being made consul six times as rapidly as possible :
and similarly the cause of Sulla's frenzy was that he
held command of the armies so many years in succes-
sion, and later was appointed dictator, then consul.
It does not lie in man's nature for a person, not
necessarily young but mature quite as often, after ex-
ercise in authority for a considerable period to be will-
—32— ing to abide by ancestral customs. I do not say this in
any spirit of condemnation of Pompey, but because it
does not appear at all advantageous to you on general
grounds, and further it is not permitted according to
the laws. For if an enterprise brings honor to those
deemed worthy of it, all whom that enterprise concerns
ought to obtain honor ; this is the principle of draioc^
racy: and if it brings labor, all ought to share that
labor proportionately ; this is mere equity.
"Again, in such an affair it is to your advantage for
many individuals to have practice in exploits, so that
as a result of trial your choice may be an easy one
from among those who can be trusted for any urgent
business ; but if you take that other course it is quite
inevitable that the scarcity should be great of those
who will practice what they should, and to whom inter-
ests can be trusted. This is the chief reason why you
were at a loss for a general in the war with Sertorius ;
previous to that time you were accustomed to employ
26
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the same men for a long period. Consequently, even b. c. 67
• Ma (o. w. 687)
if m all other respects Pompey deserves to be elected
against the pirates, still, inasmuch as he would be
chosen contrary to the injunction of the laws and to
the principles laid down by experience, it behooves both
you and him most strongly that it be not done.
* * This is the first and most important point I have to — 33 —
mention. Second arises the consideration, that when
consuls and praetors and those serving in their place
can take offices and leaderships in a way prescribed by
the laws it is neither decent nor advantageous for you
to overlook them and introduce some new office. To
what end do you elect the annual officials, if you are
going to make no use of them for such businesses ? Not,
presmnably, that they may stalk about in purple-bor-
dered togas, nor that endued with the name alone of the
office they may be deprived of its duties. How can you
fail to alienate these and all the rest who have a pur-
pose to enter politics at all, if you break down the
ancient offices, and entrust nothing to those elected by
law, but assign a strange and previously non-existent
position of command to a private individual? If there —34 —
should be any necessity of choosing, in addition to the
annual officials, still another, there is for this, too, an
ancient precedent,— I mean the dictator. However,
because he held such power, our fathers did not ap-
point him on all occasions nor for a longer period than
six naonths. Accordingly, if you need any such person,
you may, without transgressing the laws or making
light of the common welfare, designate either Pompey
or any one else dictator, — on condition that he shall
27
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 iiold sway for not more tlian the time ordained, nor
outside of Italy. You doubtless are not ignorant that
this latter limitation, too, our fathers guarded scrupu-
lously, and no instance would be found of a dictator
chosen for any other country, except one sent to Sicily,
and that without accomplishing anything. But if Italy
needs no such person and you would no longer endure,
apart from the functions of dictator, even the name
(this is clear from your anger against Sulla), how
would it be right for a new position of command to be
created, and that, too, for three years and embracing
practically all interests both in Italy and without!
What disasters come to cities from such a course, and
how many men on account of lawless lust for rule have
often disturbed our populace and done themselves
countless evils, you all alike understand.
_35— "About this, then, I shall say no more. Who can
fail to know that on general principles it is neither
decent nor advantageous to commit matters to any one
man, or for any one man to be put in charge of all the
blessings we own, even if he be the best man conceiva-
ble? Great honors and excessive powers excite and
ruin even such persons. I ask you, however, to con-
sider my next assertion, — that it is not possible for
one man to preside over the entire sea and to manage
the entire war properly. You must, if you shall in the
least do what is needful, make war on them everywhere
at once, so that they may neither unite, nor by finding
a refuge among those not attacked, become hard to cap-
ture. Any one man who might be in command could
by no manner of means accomplish this. For how on
28
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
about the same days could lie fight in Italy and in b. c. 67
Cilicia, Egypt and Syria, Greece and Spain, in the
Ionian Sea and the islands? Consequently you need
many soldiers and generals both, to take matters in
hand, if they are going to be of any use to you. In case — 36 —
any one declares that even if you confide the entire war
to some one person he will most certainly have plenty
of admirals and lieutenants, my reply would be:
* Would it not be much juster and more advantageous
for these men destined to serve under him to be chosen
by you beforehand for the very purpose and to receive
an independent command from you? What prevents
such a course? ' By this plan they will pay more heed
to the war, since each of them is entrusted with his
own particular share and cannot lay upon any one elso
the responsibility for neglect of it, and there will be
keener rivalry among them because they are inde^
pendent and will themselves get the glory for whatever
they effect. By the other plan what man do you think,
subordinate to some one else, will with equal readinessi
perform any duty, when the credit for his victory will
belong not to himself but to another?
"Accordingly, that one man could not at one time
carry on so great a war has been admitted on the part
of Gabinius himself, in that he asks for many helpers
to be given to whomever is elected. Our final consid-
eration is whether actual commanders or assistants
should be sent, and whether they should be despatched
by the entire populace, or by the commandant alone
for his assistance. Every one of you would agree that
my proposition is more law-abiding in all respects, and
29
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 not merely in reference to the case of the freebooters.
Aside from that, notice how it looks for all our oflSces
to be overthrown on the pretext of ' pirates ' and for
no one of them either in Italy or in subject territory
during this time . . /
_37_ ... and of Italy in place of consul for three
years, they assigned to him fifteen lieutenants and
voted all the ships, money and armaments that he
might wish to take. These measures as well as the
others which the senate decided to be necessary to their
effectiveness in any given case that body ratified even
against its will. Its action was prompted more par-
ticularly by the fact that when Piso refused to allow
the subordinate officers to hold enlistments in Gallia
Narbonensis, of which he was governor, the populace
was furiously enraged and would straightway have
cast him out of office, had not Pompey begged him off.
So after making preparations as the business and his
judgment demanded he patrolled at one time the whole
stretch of sea that the pirates were troubling, partly
himself and partly through the agency of his under of-
ficers, and subdued the greater part of it that very year.
For whereas the force that he directed was vast both
in point of fleet and in point of heavy-armed infantry,
so that he was irresistible both on sea and on land,
1 A leaf is here torn out of the first quaternion of the Medicean MS.
An idea of the matter omitted may be gained by comparing Xiphilinus
(p. 5):—
" Catulus, one of the foremost men, had said to the populace : ' If
he fail after being sent out on this errand (as not infrequently hap-
pens in many contests, especially on the sea) whom else will you find
in place of him for still more pressing business ? ' Thereat the entire
throng as if by previous agreement lifted their voices and exclaimed:
'You! ' Thus Pompey secured command of the' sea and of the islands
and of the mainland for four himdred stades inland from the sea."
30
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
his kindness to those who made terms with him was b. c. 67
equally vast, so that he won over great nmnbers by
such procedure. Persons defeated by his troops who
made trial of his clemency went over to his side very
readily. For besides other ways in which he took care
of them he would give them any lands he saw vacant
and cities that needed inhabitants, in order that they
might never again through poverty fall into need of
criminal exertions. Among the other cities settled in
this way was the one called in commemoration Pompe-
iopolis. It is in the coast region of Cilicia and had
been sacked by Tigranes. Soli was its original name.
Besides these events in the year of Acilius and Piso, —38 —
an ordinance directed at men convicted of bribery
regarding offices was framed by the consuls themselves,
to the effect that no one of those involved should either
hold office or be a senator, and should furthermore be
subject to a fine. For now that the power of the trib-
unes had returned to its ancient state, and many of
the persons whose names had been stricken off by the
censors were aspiring to get back the rank of senator
by one means or another, a great many political unions
and combinations were formed aiming at all the offices.
The consuls took this course not because they were
angry at the affair — they themselves were shown to
have been actively engaged, and Piso, who was indicted
by several persons on this charge, escaped being
brought to trial only by purchasing exemption — but
because pressure had been exerted by the senate. The
reason for this was that one Gains Cornelius, while
tribune, undertook to lay very severe penalties upon
such unions, and the populace sided with him. The
31
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 senate, beinsr aware that an excessive punishment
{a. u. 687) '
threatened has some deterrent force, but that men are
then not easily found to accuse or condemn the guilty,
since the latter will be in desperate danger, whereas
moderation stimulates many to accusations and does
not divert condemnations, was desirous of remodeling
his proposition somehow, and bade the consuls frame
—39— it as a law. Now when the comitisB had been an-
nounced in advance and accordingly no law could be
enacted till they were held, the canvassers kept doing
much evil in this intervening time, to such an extent
that assassinations occurred. As a consequence the
senators voted that the law should be introduced be-
fore the elections and a body-guard be given to the con-
suls. Cornelius, angry at this, submitted a proposal
that the senators be not allowed to grant office to aay
one seeking it in a way not prescribed by law, nor to
vote away any other prerogative of the people. This
had been the law from very early times: it was not,
however, being observed in practice. Thereupon arose
a great uproar, since many of the senate and Piso in
particular resisted; the crowd broke his staves to
pieces and threatened to tear him limb from limb. See-
ing the rush they made, Cornelius for the time being
before calling for any vote dismissed the assembly:
later he added to the law that the senate should in-
variably hold a preliminary consultation about these
cases and that it be compulsory to have the prelimi-
nary degree ratified by the people. So he secured the
passage of both that law and another now to be
explained.
All the praetors themselves compiled and published
32
— 40 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the principles according to which they intended to try b. c. 67
cases ; for all the decrees regarding contracts had not
yet been laid down. Now since they were not in the
habit of doing this once for all and did not observe
the rules as written, but often made changes in them
and incidentally a niunber of clauses naturally ap-
peared in some one's favor or to some one's hurt, he
moved that they should at the very start announce
the principles they would use, and not swerve from
them at all. In fine, the Romans took such good care
about that time to have no bribery, that in addition
to punishing those convicted they furthermore hon-
ored the accusers. For instance, when Marcus Cotta
dismissed the quaestor Publius Oppius because of
bribery and suspicion of conspiracy, though he him-
self had made great profit out of Bithynia, they ex-
alted Gaius Carbo who thereupon accused Cotta, with
consular honors, notwithstanding he had served as
tribune merely. Subsequently the latter himself was
governor of Bithynia and erred no less widely than
Cotta; he was, in his turn, accused by his son and con-
victed. Some persons, of course, can more easily
censure others than admonish themselves, and when it
comes to their own case commit very readily deeds for
which they think their neighbors deserving of punish-
ment. Hence they can not, from the mere fact that they
prosecute others, inspire confidence in their own de-
testation of the acts in question.
As for Lucius Lucullus, he finished his term of office _4i_;
as city praetor, but on being chosen by lot thereafter
to serve as governor of Sardinia he refused, detesting
VOL. 2 — 3 33
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 67 the business because of the throng who were fostering
corruption in foreign lands. That he was suited for
the place he had given the fullest proof. Acilius once
commanded the chair from which he had heard cases
to be broken in pieces because LucuUus seeing AcUius
pass by did not rise from his seat: yet the praetor
did not give way to rage, and after that both he and his
fellow officials tried cases standing up on account of
the consul's action.
—42— Eoscius likewise introduced a law, and so did Gains
Manilius, at the time when they were tribunes. The
former received some praise for his, — for it consisted
in marking off sharply the seats of the knights in
theatres from the other locations, — but Manilius came
near having to stand trial. He had granted the class
of freedmen, some of whom he got together from the
populace on the last" day of the year and toward
evening, the right to vote with those who had freed
them. The senate learned of it immediately on the fol-
lowing day, the first of the month, the day on which
Lucius Tullius and ^milius Lepidus entered upon the
{a.'u. 688) consulship, and rejected his law. He, then, in fear be-
cause the populace was terribly angry, at first ascribed
the idea to Crassus and some others ; as no one believed
him, however, he paid court to Pompey even in the
latter 's absence, especially because he knew that Ga-
binius had the greatest influence with him. He went
so far as to offer him command of the war against
Tigranes and against Mithridates, and the governor-
ship of Bithynia and Cilicia at the same time.
— 43— Now irritation and opposition had developed even
34
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
then on the part of the nobles particularly because b. c. 66
( (t* tilt uoo I
Marcius and Acilius were making peace before the
period of their command had expired. And the popu-
lace, although a little earlier it had sent the men to es-
tablish a government over the conquered territory,
regarding the war as at an end from the letters which
LucuUus sent them, nevertheless voted to do as Manil-
ius proposed. Those who urged them most to this
course were Caesar and Marcus Cicero. These men
seconded the measure not because they thought it ad-
vantageous to the state nor because they wished to do
Pompey a favor. Inasmuch, however, as things were
certain to turn out that way, Caesar cultivated the good
will of the multitude; he saw, in the first place, how
much stronger they were than the senate and further
he paved the way for a similar vote some time to be
passed for his own profit. Incidentally, too, he was
willing to render Pompey more envied and invidious
as a result of the honors conferred upon him, so that
the people might get their fill of him more quickly.
Cicero saw fit to play politics and was endeavoring to
make it clear to both populace and nobles that to which-
ever side he should attach himself, he would substan-
tially benefit them. He was accustomed to fill a double
role and espoused now the cause of one party and
again that of the other, to the end that he might be
sought after by both. A little while before he had said
that he chose the side of the optimates and for that
reason wished to be aedile rather than tribune; but
now he went over to the side of the rabble. Soon after, —44—
as a suit was instituted by the nobles against Manilius
and the latter was striving to cause some delay about
35
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 66 it, Cicero tried to thwart him, and only after obstinate
' ' objection did he put off his case till the following day,
offering as an excuse that the year was drawing to a
close. He was enabled to do this by the fact that he
was praetor and president of the court. But since the
crowd was still discontented he entered their assembly,
presumably compelled thereto by the tribunes, where
he inveighed against the senate and promised to speak
in support of Manilius. For this he fell into ill repute
generally, and was termed " deserter." [Probably
spurious : ' ' because Caesar cultivated the populace from
the beginning, whereas Cicero usually played a double
part; sometimes he sided with the people, sometimes
with the assembly, and for this reason he was termed
* deserter.' " — Mai, p. 552] : but a tumult that imme-
diately arose prevented the court from being convened.
Publius Paetus and Cornelius Sulla (a nephew of that
great Sulla) who had been appointed consids and then
convicted of bribery, plotted to kill their accusers,
Cotta and Torquatus, Lucii, especially after the latter
''-kiija.4^^ tad been c onvicte d in turn. Among others who had
been suborned were Gnaeus Piso and Lucius Catilrue, a
man of great audacity; he had himself sought the office
and was on this account inclined to anger. They were
unable, however, to accomplish anything because the
plot was annoimced beforehand and a body-guard
given to Cotta and Torquatus by the senate. Indeed, a
decree would have been pronounced against them., had
not one of the tribunes opposed it. And since even so
Piso showed signs of audacity, the senate being afraid
he would cause some riot sent him straightway to
36
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Spain on the pretext that he was to look after some , B- C- 66
7 ^ (o. u. 688)
disorder. He there met his death at the hands of —45 —
natives whom he had wronged.
Pompey was at first making ready to sail to Crete
and to Metellus, and when he learned the decrees that
had been passed pretended to be annoyed as before,
and charged the members of the opposite faction with
always loading business upon him so that he might
meet some reverse. In reality he received the news
with the greatest joy, and no longer regarding as of
any importance Crete or the other maritime points
wherever anything had been left unsettled, he made
preparations for the war ^ith the barbarians.
Meanwhile, wishing to test the disposition of Mith-
ridates, he sent Metrophanes bearing friendly pro-
posals to him. Mithridates at that time held him in
contempt; for Arsaces, king of the Parthians, having
died about this period he expected to conciliate Phra-
ates, his successor. But Pompey speedily contracted
friendship with Phraates on the same terms and per-
suaded him to invade in advance the Armenia belong-
ing to Tigranes. When Mithridates ascertained this
he was alarmed and by means of an embassy immedi-
ately arranged a treaty. As for Pompey 's command
that he lay down his arms and deliver up the deserters,
he had no chance to deliberate ; for the large number of
deserters who were in his camp hearing it and fear-
ing they should be delivered up, and the barbarians
fearing that they should be compelled to fight without
them, raised an uproar. And they would have done
some harm to the king, had he not by pretending
37
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 66 falsely that lie had sent the envoys not for the truce
but to spy out the Eoman troops, with difficulty kept
them in check.
— 46— Pompey, therefore, having decided that he must
needs fight, in the course of his other preparations
made an additional enlistment of the Valerians.
When he was now in Galatia, LucuUus met him. The
latter declared the whole conflict over, and said there
was no further need of an expedition and that for this
reason also the men sent by the senate for the adminis-
tration of the districts had arrived. Failing to per-
suade him to retire Lucullus turned to abuse, stigma-
tizing him as officious, a lover of war, a lover of office,
and so on. Pompey, paying him but slight attention,
forbade every one any longer to obey his commands
and pressed on against Mithridates, being in haste to
join issue with him as quickly as possible.
_47_ The king for a time kept fleeing, since he was in-
ferior in numbers : he continually devastated the coun-
try before him, gave Pompey a long chase, and made
him feel the want of provisions. But when the Roman
invaded Armenia both for the above reasons and be-
cause he wanted to capture it while abandoned, Mith-
ridates fearing it would be occupied before his advent
also entered the country. He took possession of a
strong hill opposite and there rested with his entire
army, hoping to exhaust the Romans by lack of pro-
visions, while he could get abundance from many
quarters, being in a subject territory. He kept sending
down some of his cavalry into the plain, which was
bare, and injured considerably those who encountered
38
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
them ; after such a movement he would receive large ^- ^- ^6
„ - . ° {a. u. 688)
accessions oi deserters.
Pompey was not bold enough to assail them in that
position, but he moved his camp to another spot where
the surrounding country was wooded and he would be
troubled less by the cavalry and bowmen of his ad-
versaries, and there he set an ambuscade where an
opportunity offered. Then with some few he openly
approached the camp of the barbarians, threw them
into disorder, and enticing them to the point he wished
killed a large number. Encouraged by this, he sent
some one way, some another, over the country after
provisions.
When Pompey went on procuring these in safety and i— 48 —
through certain men's help had become master of the
land of Anaitis, which belongs to Armenia and is dedi-
cated to some god after whom it is named, and many
others kept seceding to him, while the soldiers of Mar-
cius were added to his force, Mithridates becoming
frightened no longer kept his position, but immediately
started unobserved in the night, and thereafter by
night marches advanced into the Armenia of Tigranes.
Pompey followed on, eager to secure a battle. This,
however, he could not do by day, for they would not
come out of their camp, and he did not venture the at-
tempt by night, fearing his ignorance of the country,
until they got near the frontier. Then, knowing that
they would escape, he was compelled to have a night
battle. Having decided on this course he started off
before them at noontime, unobserved of the barbari-
ans, by the road along which they were to march.
39
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 66 Findina: a simken part of the road, between some low
(o. M. 688) ° ,..-,-,. ii 1 • 1 J
hills, he there stationed his army on the higher ground
and awaited the enemy. When the enemy entered the
sunken way, with confidence and without an advance
guard (since they had suffered no injury previously
and now at last were gaining safety, so that they ex-
pected that the Eomans would no longer follow them),
he fell upon them in the darkness. There was no il-
lumination from heaven and they had no kind of light.
— 49 — The nature of the ensuing battle I will now describe.
First, all the trumpeters together at a signal sounded
the attack, next the soldiers and all the multitude
raised a shout, some rattling their spears against their
shields, and others stones against the bronze imple-
ments. The hollowed mountains took up and gave back
their din with most frightful effect, so that the bar-
barians, hearing them suddenly in the night and the
wilderness, were terribly alarmed, thinking they had
encountered some supernatural phenomenon. Directly
the Eomans from the heights smote them at all points
with stones, arrows, and javelins, inevitably wounding
some by reason of their numbers, and reduced them to
every extremity of evil. They were not drawn up in
line of battle, but for marching, and both men and
women were moving about in the same place with
horses and camels and all sorts of implements; some
were borne on coursers, others on chariots, covered
wagons, and carts indiscriminately; and some getting
wounded already and others expecting to be wounded
caused confusion, in consequence of which they were
more easily slain, since they kept becoming entangled
one with another. This was what they endured while
40
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
they were still being struck from afar off. But when the b. c. 66
T~, (o. «. 688)
Eomans after exhausting their long-distance ammuni-
tion charged down upon them, the edges of the force
were slaughtered, one blow sufficing for their death,
since the majority were unarmed, and the center was
crushed together, as all by reason of the encompassing
fear fell toward it. So they perished, pushed about
and trampled down by one another without being able
to defend themselves or venture any movement against
the enemy. For whereas they were strongest in cav-
alry and bowmen, they were unable to see before them
in the darkness and unable to make any manoeuvre in
the defile.
When the moon rose, some rejoiced, with the idea
that iu the light they could certainly ward off some one.
And they would have been benefited a little, if the Eo-
mans had not had the moon behind them, and so pro-
duced much illusion both in sight and in action, while
assailing them now on this side and now on that. For
the attackers, being many in number and all in one
body, casting the deepest imaginable shadow, baffled
their opponents before they had yet come into conflict
with them. The barbarians thinking them near would
strike the empty air in vain and when they reached
common ground would be wounded in the shadow
where they were not expecting it. Thus numbers of
them were killed and the captives were not fewer
than the slain. Many also escaped, among them
Mithridates,
The latter 's next move was to hasten to Tigranes. _5o_
On sending couriers to him, however, he found no
friendship awaiting him, because Tigranes' son had
41
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 66 risen against him, and while holding the youth under
guard^ the father suspected that Mithridates, his
grandfather, had been responsible for the quarrel.
For this reason far from receiving him Tigranes even
arrested and threw into prison the men sent ahead by
him. Failing therefore of the hoped-for refuge he
turned aside into Colchis, and thence on foot reached
Maeotis and the Bosphorus, using persuasion with
some and force with others. He recovered the terri-
tory, too, having terrified Machares, his son, who had
espoused the cause of the Eomans and was then ruling
it, to such an extent that he would not even come into
his presence. And him Mithridates caused to be killed
ithrough his associates to whom he promised to grant
immunity and money.
In the course of these events Pompey sent men to
pursue him: when, however, he outstripped them by
fleeing across the Phasis, the Roman leader colonized
a city in the territory where he had been victorious,
bestowing it upon the wounded and the more elderly of
his soldiers. Many of those living round about volun-
tarily joined the settlement and later generations of
them are in existence even now, being called Nicopoli-
tans^ and paying tribute to the province of Cappadocia.
While Pompey was thus engaged, Tigranes, the son
of Tigranes, taking with him some of the foremost
men because the father was not mling to suit them,
fled for refuge to Phraates; and, though the latter,
in view of the agreements made with Pompey, stopped
to consider what it was advisable to do, persuaded
1 Some half dozen words are wanting at this point in the MS. Those
most easily supplied afford the translation here given.
2 1, e., " City of Victory."
42
— 51 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
him to invade Armenia. They came, actually, as far ^- ^'ggg,
as the Artaxatians, subduing all the country before
them, and assailed those men likewise. Tigranes the
elder in fear of them had fled to the mountains. But
since it seemed that time was required for the siege,
Phraates left a part of the force with his own son and
retired to his native country. Thereupon the father
took the field against the young Tigranes, thus isolated,
and conquered him. The latter, in his flight, set out
at first for Mithridates, his grandfather; but when
he learned that he had been defeated and was rather
in need of aid than able to assist any one, he went over
to the Eomans. Pompey, employing him as a guide,
made an expedition into Armenia and agaiast his
father.
The latter, learning this, in fear immediately sent —52 —
heralds to him for peace, and delivered up the envoys
of Mithridates. When, on account of the opposition
of his son, he could gain no moderate terms, and even
as things were Pompey had crossed the Araxes and
drawn near the Artaxatians, then at last Tigranes sur-
rendered the town to him and came voluntarily into the
midst of his camp. The old king had arrayed himself
so far as possible in a way to indicate his former dig-
nity and his present humbled condition, in order that
he might seem to his enemy worthy of respect and pity.
He had put off his tunic shot with white and the all-
purple candys, but wore his tiara and headband. Pom-
pey, however, sent an attendant and made him descend
from his horse; for Tigranes was riding up as if to
enter the very fortification, mounted on horseback ac-
cording to the custom of his people. But when the
43
-53 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 66 Eoman general saw him entering actually on foot,
v?ith. fillet cast off, and prostrate on the earth doing
obeisance, he felt an impulse of pity; so starting up
hastily he raised him, bound on the headband and
seated him upon a chair close by, and he encouraged
him, telling him among other things that he had not
lost the kingdom of Armenia but had gained the friend-
ship of the Romans. By these words Pompey restored
his spirits, and then invited him to dinner.
But the son, who sat on the other side of Pompey,
did not rise at the approach of his father nor greet
him in any other way, and furthermore, though invited
to dinner, did not present himself. Wherefore he in-
curred Pompey 's most cordial hatred. Now, on the
following day, when the Koman heard the recitals of
both, he restored to the elder all his ancestral domain.
What he had acquired later, to be sure,— these were
chiefly portions of Cappadocia and Syria, as well as
Phoenicia and the large Sophanenian tract bordering
on Armenia, — he took away, and demanded money of
htm besides. To the younger he assigned Sophanene
only. And inasmuch as this was where the treasures
were, the young man began a dispute about them, and
not gaining his point — -for Pompey had no other
source from which to obtain the sums agreed upon —
he became vexed and planned to escape by flight.
Pompey, being informed of this beforehand, kept the
youth under surveillance without bonds and sent to
those who were guarding the money, bidding them give
it all to his father. But they would not obey, stating
that it was necessary for the young man, to whom the
country was now held to belong, to give them this com-
44
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
mand. Then Pompey sent him to the forts. He, find- , B- ^- £?„,
, \(l, 11* 088)
ing them all locked up, approiaxjhed close and reluo
tantly ordered that they be opened. When the keepers
obeyed as little as before, asserting that he issued the
command not of his own free will, but under compul-
sion, Pompey was irritated and put Tigranes in chains.
Thus the elder secured the treasures, and Pompey
passed the winter in the land of Anaitis and near the
river Cymus, after dividing his army into three por-
tions. From Tigranes he received plenty of every-
thing and far more money than had been agreed upon.
For this reason especially he shortly afterward en-
rolled the king among his friends and allies and
brought the latter 's son to Eome under guard.
The quiet of his winter quarters, however, was not —54—
imbroken. Oroeses, king of the Albanians dwelling
beyond the Cymus, made an expedition against them
just at the time of the Saturnalia. He was impelled
partly by a wish to do a favor to Tigranes the younger,
who was a friend of his, but mostly by the fear that
the Eomans would invade Albania, and he cherished
the idea that if he should fall upon them in the winter,
when they were not expecting hostilities and were not
encamped in one body, he would surely achieve some
success. Oroeses himself descended upon Metellus
Celer, in whose charge Tigranes was, and sent others
against Pompey and against Lucius Flaccus, the com-
mander of the third division, in order that all might
be thrown into confusion at once, and so not assist one
another.
In spite of all, he accomplished nothing at any point;
Celer vigorously repulsed Oroeses. Flaccus, being
45
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 66 unable to preserve the whole circuit of the ditch intact
(a. a. 688) ^^ j.ga.son of its size, constructed another within it.
This fixed in his opponents' minds the impression that
he was afraid, and so he enticed them within an outer
ditch, where by a charge upon them when they were
not looking for it he slaughtered many in close conflict
and many in flight. Meanwhile Pompey, having re-
ceived advance information of the attempt which the
barbarians had made on the rest, to their surprise en-
countered beforehand the detachment that was pro-
ceeding against him, conquered it, and at once hurried
on just as he was against Orceses. The latter, indeed,
he did not overtake; for Orceses, after the repulse by
Celer, had fled on being informed of the failures of the
rest ; many of the Albanians, however, he overwhelmed
near the crossing of the Cyrnus and killed. After this
he made a truce at their request. For although on
general principles he was extremely anxious to make
a return invasion of their country, he was glad to post-
pone the war because of the winter.
46
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
37
47
The following is contained in the Thirty-seventh of Dio's Rome:
How Pompey fought against the Asiatic Iberians (chap-
ters 1-7).
How Pompey annexed Pontus to Bithynia: how Pompey
brought Syria and Phoenicia under his sway (chapters 8, 9).
How Mithridates died (chapters 10-14).
About the Jews (chapters 15-19).
How Pompey after settling affairs in Asia returned to
Eome (chapters 20-23).
About Cicero and Catiline and their transactions (chap-
ters 24-42).
About Caesar and Pompey and Crassus and their sworn
fellowship (chapters 43-68).
Duration of time, six years, in ■which there were the following
magistrates, here enumerated:
L. Aurelius M. f. Cotta, L. Hanlius L. f. (E. C. 65 =
a. u. 689.)
L. Caesar, C. Marcius C. f. Figulus. (B. C. 64= a. u.
690.)
M. TuUius M. F. Cicero, O. Antonius M. f. (B. C.
63 = a. u. 691.)
Decimus lunius M. f. Silanus, L. Licinius L. f. Murena.
(B. C. 62 = a. u. 692.)
M. Pupius M. F. Piso, M. Valerius M. f. Messala Niger.
(B. C. 61 = a. u. 693.)
L. Afranius A. f., C. Oseoilius 0. f, Celer. (B. C. 60
= a.u. 694.)
48
(BOOK 37, BOISSEVAIN.)
The following year after these exploits and in the — i —
consulship of Lucius Cotta and Lucius Torquatus, he (o. «.'689)
engaged in warfare against both the Albanians and the
Iberians. With the latter of these he was compelled
to become embroiled quite contrary to his plan. The
Iberians dwell on both sides of the Cymus, adjoin-
ing on the one hand the Albanians and on the other the
Armenians. Arthoces, their king, fearing that Pom-
pey would direct his steps against him, too, sent envoys
to him on a pretence of peace, but prepared to attack
the invader at a time when, feeling secure, he should
be therefore off his guard. Pompey learning of this
betimes was in good season in making an incursion
into the territory of Arthoces, ere the latter had made
ready sufficiently or had occupied the pass on the fron-
tier, which was well nigh impregnable. He marched
on, indeed, to the city called Acropolis,* before Ar-
thoces ascertained that he was at hand. At that
moment he was right at the narrowest point, where the
Cymus^ flows on the one side and the Caucasus ex-
tends on the other, and had fortified the mountain in
order to guard the pass, Arthoces, panic-stricken, had
no chance to array his forces, but crossed the river,
burning down the bridge ; and those within the wall, in
view of his flight and a defeat they had sustained in bat-
tle, surrendered. Pompey made himself master of the
1 Harmastica (=arx dei Armazi) is meant.
2 The words TOO Kopvou napapp£ovTOS, svffev Se^TeqiiiTed. to fill a gap
in the sense, are supplied by Bekker on the basis of a previous sug-
gestion by Reiske.
VOL. 2 — 4 49
{a. u. 689)
— S —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 65 thoroughfares, left a garrison in charge of them, and
advancing from that point subjuga,ted all the territory
within the river boundary. But when he was on the
point of crossing the Cyrnus also, Arthoces sent to him
requesting peace and promising voluntarily to furnish
him control of the bridge and provisions. Both of
these promises the king fulfilled as if he intended to
come to terms, but terrified when he saw his adversary
already across he fled away to the Pelorus, another
river that flowed through his dominions. The man
that he might have hindered from crossing he avoided
by running away after drawing him on.
Pompey, seeing this, pursued after, overtook and
conquered him. By a charge he got into close quarters
with the enemy's bowmen before they could show their
skill, and in the briefest time routed them. When
things took this turn, Arthoces crossed the Pelorus and
fled, burning the bridge over that stream too: of the
rest some were killed in hand-to-hand fights, and some
while fording the river on foot. Many, also, scattered
through the woods, survived for a few days by shooting
from the trees, which were exceedingly tail, but soon
the trees were cut down at the base and they also were
destroyed. Under these conditions Arthoces again
sent a herald to Pompey for peace, and forwarded
gifts. These the other accepted, in order that the king
in his hope to secure a truce might not proceed farther
in any direction; but he did not agree to grant peace
till the petitioner should first convey to him his chil-
dren as hostages. Thus Pompey waited for a time
until in the course of the summer the Pelorus became
fordable in places, and then the Eomans crossed over;
50
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
their passage was especially easy as they met no one b. c. 65
to hinder them. Then Arthoces sent his children to
him and finally concluded a treaty.
Pompey, learning directly that the Phasis was not — 3 —
distant, decided to descend along its course to Colchis
and thence to march to the Bosphorus against Mith-
ridates. He advanced as planned, traversing the ter-
ritory of the Colchians and their neighbors, using per-
suasion in some quarters and inspiring fear in others.
There perceiving that his route on land led through
many unknown and hostile tribes, and that the sea
journey was rather difficult on account of the country's
having no harbors and on account of the people inhab-
iting the region, he ordered the fleet to blockade Mith-
ridates so as to watch that the latter did not set sail
in any direction and to cut off his importation of pro-
visions, while he himself turned his steps against the
Albanians. He took what was not the shortest path,
but went inland to Armenia in order that such action,
coupled with the truce, might enable him to find them
not expectiug him. And the Cymus, too, he crossed
at a point where it had become passable because of
summer, ordering the cavalry to cross down stream
with the baggage animals next, and the infantry after-
ward. The object was that the horses should break
the violence of the current with their bodies, and if
even so any one of the pack animals should be swept
off its feet it might collide with the men going along-
side and not be carried further down. From there he
marched to Cambyse without suffering any injury at
the hands of the enemy, but through the influence of
the scorchiag heat and consequent thirst he in com-
51
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 65 mon with the whole army experienced hardship in his
{a. u. 689) pj.Qgj,ggg gygji a,t night over the greater part of the
road. Their guides, being some of the captives, did not
lead them by the most suitable route, and the river
was of no advantage to them; for the water, of which
they drank great quantities, was very cold and made a
number sick.
When no resistance to them developed at this place
either, they marched on to the Abas, carrying supplies
of water only; everything else they received by the free
gift of the natives, and for this reason they committed
no depredations.
—4— After they had already got across the river, Orceses
was announced as coming up. Pompey was anxious
to lead him into conflict somehow before he should find
out the number of the Romans, for fear that when he
learned it he might retreat. Accordingly he mar-
shaled his cavalry first, giving them notice before-
hand what they should do ; and keeping the rest behind
them in a kneeling position and covered with their
shields he made these last remain motionless, so that
Orceses should not ascertain their presence until he
came close up. Thereupon the latter, in contempt for
the cavalry who were alone, as he thought, joined bat-
tle with them, and when after a little they purposely
turned to flight, pursued them at full speed. Then the
infantry suddenly rising stood apart to furnish their
own men a safe means of escape through their midst,
but received the enemy, who were heedlessly bent on
pursuit, and surrounded a number of them. So these
soldiers cut down those caught inside the circle; and
the cavalry, some of whom went round on the right
52
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and some on the other side of them, assailed in the rear b. c. 65
those outside. Each of these bodies slaughtered many
in that place and others who had fled into the woods
they burned to death, and they cried out, ' ' Ha ! ha !
the Saturnalia! " with reference to the attack made at
that festival by the Albanians.
After accomplishing this and overrunning the coun- _ 5 _
try, Pompey granted peace to the Albanians, and on
the arrival of heralds concluded a truce with some of
the other tribes that dwell along the Caucasus as far as
the Caspian Sea, where the mountains, which begin at
the Pontus, come to an end. Phraates likewise sent
to him, wishing to renew the covenants. The sight of
Pompey 's onward rush and the fact that his lieuten-
ants were also subjugating the rest of Armenia and
that region of Pontus and that Gabinius had advanced
across the Euphrates as far as the Tigris filled him
with fear of them, and he was anxious to confirm the
agreement. He effected nothing, however. Pompey,
in view of the existing conditions and the hopes which
they inspired, held him in contempt and replied scorn-
fully to the ambassadors, among other things demand-
ing back the territory of Corduene, concerning which
Phraates was having a dispute with Tigranes. When
the envoys made no answer, inasmuch as they had re-
ceived no instructions on this point, he wrote a few
words to Phraates, but instead of waiting for any
answer suddenly despatched Afranius into the terri-
tory, and having occupied it without a battle gave it to
Tigranes.
Afranius, returning through Mesopotamia to Syria,
■contrary to the agreement made with the Parthian,
53
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 65 wandered from the way and endured much evil by rea^
son of the winter and lack of supplies. Indeed, he
would have perished, had not Carraeans, colonists of
the Macedonians who dwelt somewhere in that vicinity,
supported him and helped him forward.
—6— This was the treatment that Pompey^ out of the full-
ness of his power accorded Phraates, thereby indicat-
ing very clearly to those desiring personal profit that
everything depends on armed force, and he who is
victorious by its aid wins inevitably the right to lay
down what laws he pleases. Furthermore, he did vio-
lence to the title of that ruler, in which Phraates de-
lighted before all the world and before the Romans
themselves, and by which the latter Tiad always ad-
dressed him. For whereas he was called " king of
kings," Pompey clipped off the phrase " of kings "
and wrote " to the king," with merely that direction,
in spite of the fact that he had given this title to the
captive Tigranes even contrary to their custom
when he celebrated the triumph over him in Eome.
Phraates, consequently, although he feared and was
subservient to him, was vexed at this, feeling that he
had been deprived of the kingdom ; and he sent ambas-
sadors, reproaching him with all the injustice he had
done, and forbade him to cross the Euphrates.
— 7 — As Pompey made no reasonable reply, the other im-
mediately instituted a campaign in the spring against
Tigranes, being accompanied by the latter 's son, to
B. c. 64 whom he had given his daughter in marriage. This
(o. u. 690) ^^g ^ ^YiQ consulship of Lucius Caesar and Gains Figu-
1 The words 6 dk Iloinz^ioi at the opening of chapter 6 were supplied
by Bekker.
54
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
lus. In the first battle Phraates was beaten, but later B. c. 64
... . , . , . , , ,„. . {a. u. 690)
was victorious m has turn. And when Tigranes in-
voked the assistance of Pompey, who was in Syria, he
sent ambassadors to the Roman commander, making
many accusations and throwing out numerous hints
against the Romans, so that Pompey was both ashamed
and alarmed. As a result the latter lent no aid to Ti-
granes and took no hostile measures against Phraates,
giving as an excuse that no such expedition had been
assigned to him and that Mithridates was still in arms.
He declared himself satisfied with what had been ef-
fected and said that he feared ia striving for additional
results he might meet with reverses, as had LucuUus.
Such was the trend of his philosophy: he main-
tained that to make personal gains was outrageous
and to aim at the possessions of others unjust, as soon
as he was no longer able to use them. Through dread
of the forces of the Parthian, therefore, and fear of
the unsettled state of affairs he did not take up this
war in spite of many solicitations. As for the bar-
barians' complaints, he disparaged them, offering no
counter-argument, but asserting that the dispute which
the prince had with Tigranes concerned some bounda-
ries, and that three men should decide the case, for
them. These he actually sent, and they were enrolled,
as arbitrators by the two kings, who then settled all
their mutual complaints. For Tigranes was angry at
not having obtained assistance, and Phraates wished
the Armenian ruler to survive, so that in case of need
he might some day have him as an ally against the
Romans. They both understood well that whichever
of them should conquer the other would simply help
55
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 6'4 on matters for the Romans and would liimself become
easier for them to subdue. For these reasons, then,
they were reconciled.
Pompey passed the winter in Aspis, winning over
the sections that were still resisting, and took Sym-
phorion,* a fort which Stratonice betrayed to him. She
was the wife of Mithridates, and in anger toward him
because she had been abandoned sent the garrison out
pretendedly to collect supplies and let the Romans in,
although her child was with"
— 8— [not (?)] for this alone
(of if' 689) ^^ ^is SBdUeship he (C. Jul. Caesar) received praise,
but because he had also conducted both the Roman and
the Megalesian games on the most expensive scale and
had further arranged contests of gladiators in the most
magnificent manner. Of the sums expended on them
a portion was raised by biTn in conjunction with his
colleague Marcus Bibulus, but another portion by him
privately; and his individual expenditure on the spec-
1 Properly called Sinoria.
2 A gap exists in the Medicean MS. because the first leaf in the
third quaternion is lacking. The omission may be partly filled out from
Xiphilinus (p. 7) :
" He returned from Armenia and arbitrated disputes besides con-
ducting other business for kings and potentates who came to him. He
confirmed some in possession of their kingdoms, added to the prin-
cipalities of others, and curtailed and humbled the excessive powers
of a few. Hollow Syria and Phoenicia which had lately ridden them-
selves of their rulers and had been made the prey of the Arabians and
Tigranes were united. Antiochus had dared to ask them back, but
he did not secure them. Instead, they were combined into one province
and received laws so that their government was carried on in the
Roman fashion."
As to the words at the end of chapter 7, "although her child was
■with," an inkling of their significance may be had from Appian,
Mithridates, chapter 107> Stratonice had betrayed to Pompey a treasurer
house on the sole condition that if he should capture Xiphares, a
favorite son of hers, he should spare him. This disloyalty to Mithridates
enraged the latter, who gained possession of the youth and slew him,
while the mother beheld the deed of revenge from a distance.
56
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
tacles so much surpassed, that he appropriated to him- b. c. 65
self the glory for them, and was thought to have taken
the whole cost on himself. Even Bibulus joked about
it, saying that he had suffered the same fate as Pollux :
for, although that hero possessed a temple in common
with his brother Castor, it was named only for the
latter.
All this contributed to the Eomans' joy, but they — 9 —
were quite disturbed at the portents of that year. On
the Capitol many statues were melted by thunderbolts,
among other images one of Jupiter, set upon a pillar,
and a likeness of the she-wolf with Eomulus and
Eemus, mounted on a pedestal, fell down; also the let-
ters of the tablets on which the laws were inscribed ran
together and became indistinct. Accordingly, on the
advice of the soothsayers, they offered many expiatory
sacrifices and voted that a larger statue of Jupiter
should be set up, looking toward the east and the
Forum, in order that the conspiracies by which they
were distraught might dissolve.
Such were the occurrences of that year. The censors
also became involved in a dispute regarding the dwell-
ers beyond the Po : one thought it wise to admit them to
citizenship, and another not ; so t^y did not perform
any of their duties, but resigned their office. Their
successors, too, did nothing in the following year, for
the reason that the tribunes hindered them in regard to
the list of the senate, in fear lest they themselves
should be dropped from that assembly. Meantime all
those who were resident aliens in Rome, except those
who dwelt in what is now Italy, were banished on the
motion of one Gains Papius, a tribune, because they
57
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 65 were getting to be in the majority and were not thought
(o. u. 689) g^ persons to dwell among the citizens.
— 10— In the ensuing year, with Figulus and Lucius Caesar
(a. '«.' 690) in office, notable events were few, but worthy of remem-
brance in view of the contradictions in human affairs.
For the man* who had slain Lucretius at the instance
of Sulla and another^ who had murdered many of the
persons proscribed by him were tried for the slaughter
and punished, — Julius Csesar being most instrumental
in bringing this about. Thus the changes of affairs
often render those once thoroughly powerful exceed-
ingly weak. But though this matter went contrary to
the expectation of the majority, they were equally sur-
prised that CatUiue, who had incurred guilt on those
same grounds (for he, too, had put out of the way
many similar persons) , was acquitted. The result was
that he became far worse and for that reason also
B. c. 63 perished. For, when Marcus Cicero was consul with
(a. u. 691) ^ '
Gams Antonius, and Mithridates no longer inflicted
any injury upon the Eomans but had destroyed, his:
own self, Catiline undertook to set up a new govern-
ment, and by bandiag together the allies against the
state threw the people into fear of a mighty conflict.
Now each of these occurrences came about as follows.
— 11 — Mithridates himself did not give way under his dis-
asters, but trustiug more iu his will than in his power,
especially while Pompey was lingeriag in Syria,
planned to reach the Ister through Scythia, and from
that point to invade Italy. As he was by nature given
to great projects and had experienced many failures
1 L. Annvus BelUenua.
2 L. Luadus.
58
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and many successes, lie regarded nothing as beyond his ^- ^- ^^
ability to venture or to hope. If he missed he preferred
to perish conjointly with his kingdom, with pride un-
blemished, rather than to live deprived of it in inglori-
ous humility. On this idea he grew strong. For in
proportion as he wasted away through weakness of
body, the more steadfast did he grow in strength of
mind, so that he even revived the infirmity of the for-
mer by the reasonings of the latter.
The rest who were his associates, as the position of
the Eomans kept getting always more secure and that
of Mithridates weaker,— among other things the great-
est earthquake that had ever occurred destroyed many
of their cities — became estranged; the military also
mutinied and unknown persons kidnapped some of his
children, whom they conveyed to Pompey.
Thereupon he detected and punished some ; others he — 12 —
chastised from mere suspicion : no one could any longer
trust him ; of his remaining children, even, he put to
death one of whom he grew suspicious. Seeing this,
one of his sons, Pharnaces, impelled at once by fear
of the king and an expectation that he would get the
kingdom from the Eomans, being now of man's estate,
plotted against him. He was detected, for many both
openly and secretly meddled constantly with all he was
doing ; and if the body-guard had had even the slightest
good will toward their aged sovereign, the conspirator
would immediately have met his just deserts. As it
was, Mithridates, who had proved himself most wise in
all matters pertaining to a king, did not recognize the
fact that neither arms nor multitude of subjects are of
any value to any one, without friendship on the part of
59
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 63 the people; nay, the more dependents a person has
(unless he holds them faithful to him) the greater bur-
den they are to him. At any rate Phamaces, followed
both by the men he had made ready in advance, and by
those whom his father had sent to arrest him (and
these he very easily made his own) hastened straight
on against the father himself. The old king was in
Panticapaeum when he learned this, and sent ahead
some soldiers agaiust his son, saying that he himself
would soon follow them. These also Pharnaces quickly
diverted from their purpose, inasmuch as they did not
love Mithridates either, and after receiving the volun-
tary submission of the city, put to death his father, who
had fled for refuge into the palace.
— 13— The latter had tried to make way with himself, and
after removing beforehand by poison his wives and
remaining children, he had swallowed what was left to
the last drop. Neither by that means nor by the sword
was he able to induce death with his own hands. For
the poison, although deadly, did not prevail over him,
since he had inured his constitution to it, taking every
day precautionary antidotes in large doses: and the
force of the sword blow was lessened on account of the
weakness of his hand, caused by his age and the iater-
ference of those around him, and on account of the
effect of the poison, of whatever sort it was. When,
therefore, he failed to pour out his life through his own
efforts and seemed to linger beyond the proper time,
those whom he had sent against his son fell upon him
and hastened his end with swords and spear points.
Mithridates, who had experienced the most varied and
tremendous fortune, found the close of his life equally
60
— 14 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
far from being simple. He desired to die against his ^■^- ^^
■will, and though, anxious to kill himself was not ahle ;
but first by poison and then by the sword at once be-
came a suicide and was slain by his foes.
Phamaces embalmed his body and sent it to Pompey
as a proof of what had been done, and surrendered
himself and his dominions. The Eoman showed Mith-
ridates no indignity, on the contrary commandiag that
he be buried among the graves of his ancestors; for,
feeling that his hostility had been extinguished with his
life, he indulged in no vain anger against the dead
body. The kingdom of Bosporus, however, he granted
to Pharnaces as the wages of his bloody deed, and en-
rolled him among his friends and allies.
After the death of Mithridates all portions of his
dominions, except a few, were subjugated. Garrisons
which at that date were still holding a few fortifica-
tions outside of Bosporus, did not immediately
come to terms, — not so much because they were
minded to resist him as because they were afraid that
some persons might confiscate beforehand the money
which they were guarding and lay the blame upon
them : hence they waited, wishing to exhibit everything
to Pompey himself. When, then, the regions in that
quarter had been subdued, and Phraates remained
quiet, while Syria and Phoenicia were in a state of
calm, the conqueror turned against Aretas. The lat-
ter was king of the Arabians, now slaves to the Romans
as far as the Eed Sea. Previously he had done the
greatest injury to Syria and had on this account be-
come involved in a battle with the Eomans who were
defending it: he was defeated by them, but neverthe-
61
— 15-
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 63 less continued hostile at that time. Upon him and his
(O. u. 691)
neighbors Pompey made a descent, overcame them
without effort, and handed them over to a garrison.
Thence he proceeded against Palestine, in Syria, be-
cause its inhabitants were harming Phoenicia. Their
rulers were two brothers, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus,
who^ were themselves quarreling, as it chanced, and
stirring up the cities concerning the priesthood (for so
they called their kingdom) of their Grod, whoever he is,
Pompey immediately brought to his side without a
battle Hyrcanus, who had no force worthy of note, and
by confining Aristobulus in a certain spot compelled
him to come to terms. And when he would surrender
neither money nor garrison,'' Pompey threw him into
prison. After this he more easily overcame the rest,
but in the siege of Jerusalem found trouble. Most of
the city he took without exertion, as he was received
by the party of Hyrcanus, but the temple itself, which
the others had occupied in advance, he did not capture
without labor. It was on high ground and strength-
ened by its own defences, and if they had continued
defending it on all days alike, he could not have got
possession of it. As it was, they made an exception
of what were called the days of Saturn,' and by doing
no work at all on them offered the Romans an oppor-
tunity in this vacant interval to batter down the wall.
The latter on learning this superstition of theirs, made
no serious attempt the rest of the time, but on those
days, when they came around in succession, assaulted
1 Or " and these were " (according to the MS. reading selected) .
2 Xiphilinua adds : " after approaching and offering him this."
31. e., Jehovah.
62
16-
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
most vigorously. Tlius the holders were captured on. b. c. 63
the day of Saturn, making no defence, and all the
money was plundered. The kingdom was given to
Hyrcanus, and Aristobulus was carried back to Eome.
This was the course of events at that time in Pales-
tine. That is the name that has been applied from of
old to the whole race, which extends from Phoenicia to
Egypt along the inner sea. They have also another
name that has been acquired, — i. e., the country has
been called Judaea, and the people themselves Jews. I — 17 —
do not know from what source this title was first given
them, but it applies also to all the rest of mankind,
although of foreign race, who cherish their customs.
This nation exists among the Eomans also, and though
often diminished has increased to a very great extent
and has won its way to the right of freedom in its ob-
servances. They are distinguished from the rest of
mankind in every detail of life, so to speak, and espe-
cially by the fact that they do not honor any of the
usual gods, but reverence mightily one particular
divinity. They never had any statue in Jerusalem
itself, but believing him to be inexpressible, invisible,
they worship bim in the most extravagant fashion on
earth. They built to him a temple that was extremely
large and beautiful, except in so far as it was void and
roofless, and dedicated the day called the day of Sat-
urn, on which, among many other most peculiar ac-
tions, they undertake no serious occupation.
Now as for him, who he is and why he has been so
honored, and how they got their superstition about
him, accounts have been given by many, no one of
which pertains to this history.
63
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^^^T^ The custom of referring the days to the seven stars
B, C 63
(o. u. 691) called planets was established by the Egyptians, but
has spread to all men, though it was instituted com-
paratively not long ago. At any rate the original
Greeks in no case understood it, so far as I am aware.
But since it is becoming quite habitual to all the rest
of mankind and to the Romans themselves, and this
is to them already in a way an hereditary possession,
I wish to make a few brief statements about it, telling
how and in what way it has been so arranged.
I have heard two accounts, in general not difficult
of comprehension, and containing some one's theories.
If one apply the so-called " principle of the tetra-
chord " (which is believed to constitute the basis of
music) in order to these stars, by which the whole uni-
verse of heaven is divided into regular intervals, as
each one of them revolves, and beginning at the outer
orbit assigned to Saturn, then omitting the next two
name the master of the fourth, and after him passing
over two others reach the seventh, and in the return
cycle approach them and the presiding gods in this
same way calling them by the names of the days,
one will find all the days to be in a kind of musical
connection with the arrangement of the heavens.
_ 19 _ This is one of the accounts : the other is as follows. /
If you begin at the first one to count the hours of the
day and of the night, assigning the first to Saturn, the
next to Jupiter, the third to Mars, the fourth to Sol,*
the fifth to Venus, the sixth to Mercury, and the sev-
enth to Lima,* according to the order of the cycles
1 Sol and Luna: or, the sun and moon. The words appear in the
text without any article and may be personified.
64
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
which the Egyptians observe in their system, and if b. c. 63
. ., •' ' {a. u. 691)
you repeat the process, covering thus the twenty-four
hours, you will find that the first hour of the following
day comes to the sun. And if you carry on the opera-
tion throughout the next twenty-four hours, by the
same method as outlined above, you will consecrate the
first hour of the third day to the moon, and if you pro-
ceed similarly through the rest, each day will receive
the god that appertains to it. This, then, is the tra-
dition.^
Pompey, when he had accomplished what has been —20—
related, went again to the Pontus and after taking
charge of the forts returned to Asia and thence to
Greece and Italy. He had won many battles; had
brought into subjection many potentates and kings,
some by going to war with them and some by treaty,
he had colonized eight cities, had created many lands
and sources of revenue for the Eomans, and had estab-
lished and organized most of the nations in the con-
tinent of Asia then belonging to them with their own
laws and governments, so that even to this day they use
the laws that he laid down.
1 Dio attempts in chapters 18 and 19 to explain why the days of the
week are associated with the names of the planets. It should be borne
in mind that the order of the planets with reference to their distance
from the earth (counting from farthest to nearest) is as follows:
Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon. The custom of
naming the days may then have arisen, he says, (1) by regarding the
gods as originally presiding over separate days assigned by the prin-
ciple of the tetrachord (i. e., skipping two stars in your count each
time as you go over the list) so that you get this order: the day of
Saturn, of the Sun, of the Moon, of Mars, of Mercury, of Jupiter, of
Venus (Saturday to Friday, inclusive); or (2) by regarding the gods
as properly gods of the hours, which are assigned in order, beginning
with Saturn, as in the list above, — and allowing it to be understood
that that god who is found by this system to preside over the first hour
shall also give his name to the day in question.
VOL. 2 — 5 65
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 63 But although, these achievements were great and had
been equaled by no earlier Eoman, one might ascribe
them both to good fortune and to his fellow campaign-
ers. The performance for which credit particularly
attaches to Pompey himself, which is forever worthy
of admiration, I will now proceed to set forth.
He had enormous power both on sea and on land ; he
had supplied himself with vast sums of money from
captives; he had made friends with numerous poten-
tates and kings; and he had kept practically all the
communities which he ruled well disposed through ben-
efits bestowed. And although by these means he might
have occupied Italy and have taken possession of the
whole Eoman sway, since the majority would have ac-
cepted him voluntarily, and if any had resisted they
would certainly have capitulated through weakness,
yet he did not choose to do this. Instead, as soon as
he had crossed to Brundusium he gave up of his own
accord all his powers, without waiting for any vote
to be passed concerning the matter by the senate or the
people, not troubling himself even about using them in
the course of the triumph. For since he understood
that the careers of Marius and Sulla were held in abom-
ination by all mankind, he did not wish to cause them
any fear even for a few days that they should undergo
any similar experiences. Consequently he did not so
much as acquire any name from his exploits, although
he might have taken many.
As for the triumphal celebration, — I mean that one
which is considered the chief,— although according to
most ancient precedents it is not lawful that it be held
66
— 21 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
without those who aided the victory, he nevertheless b. c. 63
accepted it, as it had been voted to him. He conducted
the procession in honor of all his wars at once, includ-
ing in it many trophies beautifully arrayed to repre-
sent each of his deeds, even the smallest: and after
them all came one huge one, arrayed in costly fashion
and bearing an inscription to the effect that it was a
World Trophy. He did not, however, add any other
title to his name, but was satisfied with that of Magnus
only, which, as is known, he had gained even before
these achievements. Nor did he get any other extrava-
gant privilege awarded hitn : only he did use once such
as had been voted him in absence. These were that he
should wear the laurel wreath on the occasion of all
meetings at any time, and should Be clad in the robe
of office at all of them, as well as in the triumphal garb
at the horse-races. They were granted him chiefly
through the cooperation of Caesar, and contrary to the
judgment of Marcus Cato.
Regarding the former a statement has already been —22 —
made as to who he was, and it has been related^ that
he cultivated the common people, and while generally
striving to depose Pompey from his high position, still
made a friend of him in cases where he was sure of
pleasing the populace and gaining influence himself.
But this Cato belonged to the family of the Porcii and
emulated the great Cato, except that he had enjoyed a
better Greek education than the former. He pro-
moted assiduously the interests of the multitude and
1 See Book Thirty-six, chapter 43.
67
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^- 0. 63 admired no one man, being excessively devoted to the
common weal; suspicions of sovereignty, he hated
everything that had grown above its fellows, but loved
everything mediocre through pity for its weakness.
He showed himself a passionate adherent of the popu-
lace as did no one else, and indulged in outspokenness
beyond the limits of propriety, even when it involved
danger. All this he did not with a view to power or
glory or any honor, but solely for the sake of a life of
independence, free from the dictation of tyrants. Such
was the nature of the man who now for the first time
came forward before the people and opposed the meas-
ures under consideration, not out of any hostility to
Pompey, but because they transgressed time-honored
customs.
— 23— These honors, then, they granted Pompey in his ab-
sence, but none when he had come home, though they
would certainly have added others, had he wished it;
upon some other men, indeed, who had been less suc-
cessful than he, they often bestowed many extravagant
distinctions. That they did so unwillingly, however, is
clear.
Pompey knew well that all the gifts granted by the
common people to those who have any influence and are
in positions of authority contain the suggestion, no
matter how willingly they are voted, of having been
granted through force applied out of the resources of
the strong. He knew that such honors bring no glory
to those who receive them, because it is believed that
they were obtained not from willing donors, but under
68
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
compulsion, and not from good will, but as a result of , ^- ^- f ^ ,
' o > {a. u. 691)
flattery. Hence he did not permit any one to propose
any measure whatever. This course he declared far
better than to reject what has been voted to one. The
latter method brought hatred for the high position that
led to such measures being passed, and connoted arro-
gance and insolence in not accepting what is granted by
your superiors or at all events by your peers. By the
former method you possessed in very fact the demo-
cratic name and behavior both, not indicated but exist-
ent. For having received almost all the offices and
positions of command contrary to ancient precedent, he
refused to accept all such others as were destined to
bring him only envy and hatred even from the very
givers, without enabling him to benefit any one or be
benefited.
All this took place in course of time. Temporarily —24 —
the Eomans had a respite from war for the remainder
of the year, so that they even held the so-called cm-
gurium salutis after a long interval. This is a kind
of augury, which consists of an enquiry whether the
god allows them to request welfare for the State, as if
it were unholy even to make a request for it until the
action received sanction. That day of the year was ob-
served on which no army went out to war, or was taking
defensive measures against any, or was fighting a
battle. For this reason, amid the constant perils
(especially those of a civil nature), it was not held. In
general it was very difficult for them to secure exactly
the day which should be free from all those disturb-
69
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 63 ances, and furthermore it was most ridiculous, when
(a. u. 691) ' '
they were voluntarily causing one another unspeaka-
ble woes through factional conflicts and were destined
to suffer Uls whether they were beaten or victorious,
that they should still ask safety from the divine power.
— 25 — Notwithstanding, it was in some way possible at that
time for the divination to be held, but it did not prove
to be pure. Some strange birds flew up and made the
augury of no effect. Other unlucky omens, too, de-
veloped. Many thunderbolts fell from a clear sky, the
earth was mightily shaken, and human apparitions
were visible in many places, and in the West flashes
ran up into heaven, so that any one, even an ignorant
fellow, was bound to know in advance what was signi-
fied by them. For the tribunes united with Antonius,
the consul, who was much like themselves in character,
and some one of them supported for office the children
of those exiled by Sulla, while a second was for grant-
ing to Publius Paetus and to Cornelius Sulla, who had
been convicted with him, the right to be members of the
senate and to hold office. Another made a motion for a
cancellation of debts, and for allotments of land to be
made both in Italy and in the subject territory. These
motions were taken in hand betimes by Cicero and
those who were of the same mind as he, and were
quashed before any action resulted from them.
— 26 — Titus Labienus, however, by indicting Gains Eabir-
ius for the murder of Satuminus caused them the
greatest disorder. For Saturninus had been killed
some thirty-six years earlier, and the steps taken
70
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
against liim by the consuls of the period had been at , ^- ^- ^^. ^
^ yd, u, tsyi)
the direction of the senate : as a result of the present
action the senate was likely to lose authority over its
votes. Consequently the whole system of government
was stirred up. Eabirius did not admit the murder,
but denied it. The tribunes were eager to overthrow
completely the power and the reputation of the senate
and were preparing for themselves in advance au-
thority to do whatever they pleased. For the calling to
account of acts that had received the approval of the
senate and had been committed so many years before
tended to give immunity to those who were undertaking
anything similar, and curtailed the punishments they
could inflict. Now the senate in general thought it
shocking for a man of senatorial rank who was guilty
of no crime and now well advanced in years to perish,
and were all the more enraged because the dignity
of the government was being attacked, and control of
affairs was being entrusted to the vilest men. Hence —27 —
arose turbulent exhibitions of partisanship and conten-
tions about the court, the one party demanding that it
should not be convened and the other that it should
sit. When the latter party won, because of Caesar and
some others, there was strife again regarding the trial.
Csesar himself was judge with Lucius Caesar; for the
charge against Rabirius was not a simple one, but the
so-called perduellio: — and they condemned him, al-
though they had not been chosen according to pre-
cedent by the people, but by the praetor himself, which
was not permitted. Eabirius yielded, and wolild cer-
71
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. C. 63 tainly have been convicted before tbe popular court
(o. u. 691) ''
also, had not Metellus Celer who was an augur and
praetor hindered it. For since nothing else would make
them heed him and they were unconcerned that the trial
had been held in a manner contrary to custom, he ran
up to Janiculum before they had cast any vote what-
ever, and pulled down the military signal, so that it
was no longer lawful for them to reach a decision.
— 28— Now this matter of the signal is about as follows.
In old times there were many enemies dwelling near
the city, and the Romans (according to the account)
fearing that while they were holding an assembly foes
might occupy Janiculum to attack the city decided that
not all should vote at once, but that some men under
arms should by turns always guard that spot. So
they garrisoned it as long as the assembly lasted, but
when it was about to be dissolved, the signal was pulled
down and the guards departed. Regularly no business
was any longer allowed to be transacted unless the post
were garrisoned. It was permissible only in the case
of assemblies which collected by companies, for these
were outside the wall and all who had arms were
obliged to attend them. Even to this day it is done
from religious grounds.
So on that occasion, when the signal was pulled down,
the assembly was dissolved and Eabirius saved. La-
bienus, indeed, had the right to go to court again, but
he did not do this.
As for Catiline, his ruin was accomplished in the
foUowing way and for the reasons which I shall nar-
72
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
rate. He had been seekinff the consulship even then, b. c. 63
J . . . '(».«• 691)
and contriving every conceivable way to get appointed,
when the senate decreed, chiefly at the instance of
Cicero, that a banishment of ten years should be added
by law to the penalties imposed for bribery. Catiline
thought, as was doubtless true, that this ruling had
been made on his accoi^t, and planned, by collecting
a small band, to slay Cicero and some other foremost
men on the very day of the election^ in order that he
might immediately be chosen consul. This project he
was unable, however, to carry out, Cicero learned of
the plot beforehand, informed the senate of it, and de-
livered a long accusation against him. Being unsuc-
cessful, however, in persuading them to vote any of the
measures he asked — this was because his announce-
ment was not regarded as credible and he was sus-
pected of having uttered false charges against the men
on account of personal enmity — Cicero became fright-
ened, seeing that he had given Catiline additional pro-
vocation, and he did not venture to enter the assembly
alone, as had been his custom, but he took his friends
along prepared to defend him if any danger threat-
ened ; and he wore for his own safety and because of
their hostility a breastplate beneath his clothing, which
he would purposely uncover. For this reason and be-
cause anyway some report had been spread of a plot
against him, the populace was furiously angry and the
fellow conspirators of Catiline through fear of him
became quiet.
In this way new consuls were chosen, and Catiline no —so —
73
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^' ^' f^, V longer directed his plot in secret or against Cicero and
{a. u. 691) o xr- o
his adherents only, but against the whole common-
•wealth. He assembled from Eome itself the lowest
characters and snch as were always eager for a revolu-
tion and as many as possible of the allies, by promising
them cancellation of debts, redistribution of lands, and
everything else by which he was most likely to allure
them. Upon the foremost and most powerful of them
(of whose number was Antonius the consul) he im-
posed the obligation of taking the oath in an unholy
manner. He sacrificed a boy, and after administering
the oath over his entrails, tasted the inwards in com-
pany with the rest. Those who cooperated with him
most were : In Rome, the consul and Publius Lentulus,
who, after his consulship, had been expelled from the
senate (he was now acting as praetor, in order to gain
senatorial rank again) ; at Faesute, where the men of his
party were collecting, one Gains Mallius, who was most
experienced in military matters (he had served with
Sulla's centurions) and the greatest possible spend-
thrift. Everything that he had gained at that epoch,
although a vast sum, he had consumed by evil practices,
and was eager for other similar exploits.
— 31— While they were making these preparations, infor-
mation came to Cicero, first of what was occurring in
the city, through some letters which did not indicate
the writer but were given to Crassus and some other
influential men. On their publication a decree was
passed that a state of disorder existed and that a search
should be made for those responsible for it. Next came
74
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the news from Etruria, whereupon they voted to the B. c. 63
1 .■,,.,. , {a. u. 691)
consuls in addition the guardianship of the city and of
all its interests, as they had been accustomed to have :
for to this decree was subjoined the command that they
should take care that no injury happen to the republic.
"When this had been done and a garrison stationed at
many points, there was no further sign of revolution in
the city, insomuch that Cicero was even falsely charged
with sycophancy; but messages from the Etruscans
confirmed the accusation, and thereupon he prepared
an indictment for violence against Catiline.
The latter at first accepted it with entire readiness —32 —
as if supported by a good conscience, and made ready
for the trial, even offering to surrender himself to
Cicero so that the latter could watch and see that he did
not escape anywhere. As Cicero, however, refused to
take charge of him, he voluntarily took up his residence
at the house of Metellus the praetor, in order that he
might be as free as possible from the suspicion of pro-
moting a revolution until he should gain some addi-
tional strength from the conspirators in that very town.
But he made no headway at all, because Antonius
through fear shrank back and Lentulus was anything
but an energetic sort of person. Accordingly, he gave
them notice to assemble by night in a particular house,
where he met them without Metellus 's knowledge and
upbraided them for their timorousness and weakness.
Next he set forth in detail how great punishments they;
would suffer if they were detected and how many de-
sirable things they would obtain if successful, and by
this means so encouraged and incited them, that two
75
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 63 ijrign promised to rush into Cicero's house at daybreak
{a. u. 691) ^ •'
and murder him there.
— 33— Information of this, too, "w^as given in advance: for
Cicero, being a man of influence, had through his
speeches by either conciliation or intimidation gained
many followers, who reported such occurrences to him :
and the senate voted that Catiline should leave the city.
The latter was glad enough to withdraw on this excuse
and went to Faesulae, where he prepared an out and out
war. He took the consular name and dress and pro-
ceeded to organize the men previously collected by Mal-
lius, meanwhile gaining accessions first of freemen, and
second of slaves.
The Romans consequently condemned him for vio-
lence, ordered Antonius to the war (being ignorant, of
course, of their conspiracy), and themselves changed
their apparel. The crisis kept Cicero likewise where he
was. The government of Macedonia had fallen to him
by lot, but he did not set out for that country, — retiring
in favor of his colleague on account of his occupation in
the prosecutions, — nor for Hither Gaul, which he had
obtained in its place, on axjcount of the immediate situa-
tion. Instead, he charged himself with the protection
of the city, but sent Metellus to Gaul to prevent Catiline
from alienating it.
— 34— It was extremely well for the Romans that he re-
mained. For Lentulus made preparations to bum
down the city and commit wholesale slaughter with
the aid of his fellow conspirators and of Allobroges,
who chanced to be there on an embassy : these also he
76
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
persuaded to join Mm* and the others implicated in the .^■^- ^|
revolution in their undertaking. The consul learning of
their purpose arrested the men sent to carry it out and
brought them with their letter into the senate-cham-
ber, where, by granting them immunity, he proved all
the conspiracy. As a consequence Lentulus was forced
by the senate to resign the praetorship, and was kept
xmder guard along with the others arrested while the
remnant of the society was being sought for. These
measures pleased the populace equally: especially so,
when, during a speech of Cicero's on the subject, the
statue of Jupiter was set up on the Capitol at the very
time of the assembly, and by instructions of the sooth-
sayers was placed so as to face the East and the Forum.'
For these prophets had decided that some conspiracy
would be brought to light by the erection of the statue,
and when its setting up coincided with the time of the
conspirators' arrest, the people magnified the divine
power and were the more angry at those charged with
the disturbance.
A report went abroad that Crassus was also among —35 —
them, and one of the men arrested, too, gave this infor-
mation ; still, not many believed it. Some, in the first
place, thought they had no business to suspect him of
such a thing; others regarded it as a trumped-up
charge emanating from the guilty parties, in order that
the latter might thereby get some help from him, be-
cause he possessed the greatest iafluence. And if it
did seem credible to any persons, at least they did not
1 After " join Mm " there is a gap in the MS. The words necessary
to complete this sentence and to begin the next were supplied by Eeiske.
77
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
/ ^- ^- »n, V see fit to ruin a man who was foremost among them
(O. M. 691) .
and to disquiet the city still more. Consequently tins
charge fell through utterly.
Now many slaves, and freemen as well, some through
fear and others for pity of Lentulus and the rest, made
preparations to deliver them all forcibly and rescue
them from death. Cicero learned of this beforehand
and occupied the Capitol and Forum betimes by night
with a garrison. At dawn he received from above an
inspiration to hop© for the best : for in the course of
sacrifices conducted in his house by the Vestals in be-
half of the populace, the fire, contrary to custom, shot up
in a tongue of great length. Accordingly, he ordered
the praetors to administer an oath to the populace and
have them enlisted, in case there should be any need of
soldiers, and meanwhile himself convened the senate:
then, by throwing them into agitation and fright, he
persuaded them to condemn to death the persons held
under arrest.
At first the senators had been at variance, and came
near setting them free. For while all before Caesar
had voted that they should be put to death, he gave his
decision that they should be imprisoned and deported
to various cities after having their property confis-
cated, with the condition that there should be no fur-
ther deliberation about immunity for them, and if any
one of them should run away, he should be considered
among the enemies of that city from which he fled.
Then all who subsequently made known their opinions,
ixntU it came to Cato, cast this vote, so that some of the
first also changed their minds. But the fact that Cato
78
— 36 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
himself gave a sentence of death against them caused B- C- 63
( da Ut VO 1 )
all the rest to vote similarly. So the conspirators were
punished by the decision of the majority and a sacrifice
and period of festival over them was decreed,— some-
thing that had never before happened from any such
cause. Others, also, against whom information was
lodged, were sought out and some incurred suspicion
and were held to account for merely intending to join
that party. The consuls managed most of the investi-
gations, but Aulus Fulvius, a senator, was slain by his
own father; and some think that the latter was not
the only private individual who did this. There were
many others, that is, not only consuls but persons in
private life, who killed their children. This was the —37 —
course of affairs at that time.
The priestly elections, on motion of Labienus sup-
ported by Caesar, were again referred by the people to
popular vote, contrary to the law of Sulla, but in re-
newal of the law of Domitius. Caesar at the death of
Metellus Pius was eager for his priesthood, al-
though young and not having served as praetor. Best-
ing his hopes of it upon the multitude, therefore,
especially because he had helped Labienus against
Eabirius and had not voted for the death of Lentulus,
he took the above course. And he was appointed pon-
tifex maximus, in spite of the fact that many others,
Catulus most of all, were his rivals for the honor. This
was because he showed himself perfectly ready to serve
and flatter every one, even ordinary persons, and he
spared no speech or action for getting possession of
the objects for which he strove. He paid no heed to
79
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 63 temporary groveling when weighed against subsequent
power, and he cringed as before superiors to those
men whom he was planning to dominate.
—38— Toward Caesar, accordingly, for these reasons, the
masses were well disposed, but their anger was directed
against Cicero for the death of the citizens, and they
displayed their enmity in many ways. Finally, when
on the last day of his office he desired to give a defence
and account of all that had been done in his consulship,
— for he took great pleasure not only in being praised,
by others, but also in extolling himself, — they made
him keep silence and did not allow him to utter a word
outside of his oath ; in this they had Metellus Nepos, the
tribune, to aid them. Only Cicero, in violent protesta-
tion, did take an additional oath that he had saved the
— 39 — city. For that he incurred all the greater hatred,
(af i^ 692) Catiline met his doom at the very opening of the
year in which Junius Silanus and Lucius Licinius held
office. For a while, although he had no small force,
he watched the movements of Lentulus and delayed, in
the hope that if Cicero and his adherents should be
slain in good season he could easUy execute his remain-
ing designs. But when he ascertained that Lentulus
had perished and that many of his followers had de^
serted for that reason, he was compelled to risk the
uttermost, especially as Antonius and Metellus Celer,
who were besiegiug Fsesulae, did not allow him to ad-
vance in any direction. He proceeded, therefore,
against Antonius — the two were separately encamped
— although the latter had greater renown than Metel-
lus and was invested with greater power. The reason
80
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
was that Catiline had hopes of his letting himself be , ^- C- 62
^ ° (o. u. 692)
beaten in order to fulfill the demands of his oath.
The latter, who suspected this, no longer felt kindly
toward Catiline, because he was weak; for most men
form both friendships and enmities with reference to
persons' influence and to individual advantage. Fur-
thermore, being afraid that the arch-conspirator, when
he saw them fighting earnestly, might utter some re-
proach and bring to light things that should not be men-
tioned, he pretended to be sick and confided the conduct
of the battle to Marcus Petreius. This commander —40--
joined battle with them and not without bloodshed cut
down Catiline and three thousand others while fighting
most valiantly. No one of them fled, but every man fell
at his post. Even the victors mourned their common
loss, inasmuch as they had destroyed (no matter
how justly) so many and such brave men, who were citi-
zens and allies. His head Antonius sent to the city in
order that its inhabitants might believe in his death
and have no further fear. He himself was named
imperator for the victory, although the number of the
slaughtered was smaller than usual. Sacrifices of oxen
were also voted, and the people changed their raiment
to signify their deliverance from all dangers.
Nevertheless, the allies who had shared the under- _4i_
taking with Catiline and still survived after that did
not remain quiet, but through fear of punishment cre-
ated disturbances. Against each division of them
praetors were sent, overcame them in season, while still
in a way scattered, and punished them. Others that
VOL. 2 — 6 81
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
/ ^" ^" £1 were avoiding observation were convicted and con-
(o. u. 692) °
demned on information from Lucius Vettius, a kniglit,
who had taken part in the conspiracy but now on prom-
ise of immunity revealed them. This went on until,
after having impeached some men and written their
names on a tablet, he desired the privilege of writing in
others. The senators suspected that he was not deal-
ing fair and would not give him the document again
for fear he should erase some names, but had him men-
tion orally all he had omitted. Then in shame and fear
he made known only a few others.
Since even under these circumstances disquietude
prevailed in the city and among the allies through
ignorance of the persons named, and some were need-
lessly troubled about themselves, while some incor-
rectly suspected others, the senate decreed that the
names! be published. As a result the innocent regained
composure and judgments were pronounced upon those
called to account. Some were present to be condemned,
and others let their cases go by default.
—42— Such was the career of Catiline and his downfall
which, owing to the reputation of Cicero and the
speeches delivered against him, brought him a greater
name than his deeds deserved. Cicero came near be-
ing tried immediately for the killing of Lentulus and the
other prisoners. This complaint, though technically
brought against him, was really directed against the
senate. For among the populace its members were sub-
ject to denunciations of the utmost virulence voiced by
Metellus Nepos, to the effect that they had no right to
condemn any citizen to death without the consent of
82
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the people. But Cicero had no trouble at that time. , b. c. 62
The senate had granted immuiiity to all those who ad-
ministered affairs during that period and had further
proclaimed that if any one should dare to call any one
of them to account again, he should be in the category
of a personal and public enemy; so that Nepos was
afraid and aroused no further tumult.
This was not the senate's only victory. Nepos had —43 —
moved that Pompey be summoned with his army (he
was still in Asia), pretendedly for the purpose of bring-
ing calm to the existing conditions, but really in hope
that he himself might through him get power in the
disturbances he was causing, because Pompey favored
the multitude: this plan the senators prevented from
being ratified. For, to begin with, Cato and Quiatus
Minucius in their capacity as tribunes vetoed the prop-
osition and stopped the clerk who was reading the
motion. Nepos took the document to read it himself,
but they snatched it away, and when even so he under-
,took to make some oral remarks they laid hold of his
mouth. The result was that a battle with sticks and
stones and even swords took place between them, in
which some others joined who assisted both sides.
Therefore the senators convened in session that very
day, changed their togas and gave the consuls charge
of the city, " that it suffer no injury." Then even
Nepos was afraid and retired immediately from their
midst: subsequently, after publishing some piece of
writing against the senate, he set out to join Pompey,
although he had no right to be absent from the city a
single night.
83
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
~**~ After this occTxrrence Caesar, who was now praetor,
JO, \j, o2
,(o. u. 692) likewise showed no further revolutionary tendencies.
He effected the removal of tlie name of Catulus from
the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus — he was calling him
to account for theft and was demanding an account of
the money he had spent — and the entrusting to Pom-
pey of the construction of the remainder of the edifice.
For many details, considering the size and character of
the work, were but half finished. Or else Caesar pre-
tended it was so, iu order that Pompey might gain the
glory for its completion and inscribe his name instead.
He was not, to be sure, so ready to do him a favor as
to submit to having passed concerning himself some'
decrees similar to that regarding Nepos. He did not,
in fact, act thus for Pompey 's sake, but in order that
he might ingratiate himself with the populace. StUl,
as it was, all feared Pompey to such an extent, seeing
that it was not yet clear whether he would give up his
legions, that when he sent ahead Marcus Piso, his lieu-
tenant, to seek the consulship, they postponed the eleo-
tions in order that the latter might attend them, and on
his arrival elected him unanimously. For Pompey had
recommended the man not only to his friends, but also
to his enemies.
It was at this time that Publius Clodius debauched
Caesar's wife in her house and during the performance
of the secret rites which according to ancestral prece-
dent the Vestals carried out at the residences of con-
suls and praetors in behalf of the whole male popula-
tion. Caesar brought no charge against him, under-
standing well that on account of his connections he
84
— 45 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
would not be convicted, but divorced his wife, telling , ^- ^11,,
her that he did not really believe the story but that he
could no longer live with her inasmuch as she had been
suspected of committing adultery at all: a chaste wo-
man must not only not err, but not even incur any evil
suspicion.
Following these events the stone bridge, called the
Fabrician, leading to the little island in the Tiber was
constructed. The next year in the consulship of Piso —46 —
B C 61
and Marcus Messala, the men in power showed their («.'«.' 693)
hatred of Clodius and at the same time made expia-
tion for his pollution by delivering him to the court,
after the pontifices had decided that the rites because
of his act had not been duly performed and should be
annulled. He was accused of adultery, in spite of
Caesar's silence, and of desertion at Nisibis and fur-
thermore of having had guilty relations with his sister :
yet he was acquitted, although the juries had requested
and obtained of the senate a guard to prevent their
suffering any harm at his hands. Eegarding this Cat-
ulus said jestingly that they had asked for the guard
not in order to condemn Clodius with safety, but in
order to preserve for themselves the money which they
had received in bribes.* The author of this speech died
shortly after, — a man who had always, more conspicu-
ously than his predecessors, held democracy in honor
above everything. That year the censors enrolled in
the senatorial body all who had attained oflficej even
teyond the proper number. Until then, too, the popu-
1 Cobet (Mnemosyne N. S., X, p. 195) thinks that there ia here a
reminiscence of Cicero, Ad Atticum, I, 16, 5.
85
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 61 lace had watched unbroken, series of armed combats,
but now they introduced the custom of going out to take
lunch in the course of the entertainment. This prac-
tice which began at that time continues even now, when
the person in authority exhibits games.
_47_ This was the course of affairs in the city. Gaul in
the vicinity of Narbo was being devastated by the
AUobroges, and Grains Pomptinus, its governor, sent
his lieutenants against the enemy, but himself made a
stand at a convenient spot from which he could keep
watch of what occurred; this would enable him to give
them opportune advice and assistance, as their advan-
tage might from time to time dictate.
Manlius Lentitius made a campaign against the city
of Valentia and terrified the inhabitants so, that the
majority ran away and the rest sent ambassadors for
peace. Just then the country population coming to
their aid suddenly fell upon him; and he was repulsed
from the wall, but ravaged the land with impunity until
Catugnatus, the commander of their whole tribe, and
some others of the dwellers across the Isar brought
them help. For the time being he did not dare to
hinder them from crossing, by reason of the number of
the boats, for fear they might gather in a body on see-
ing the Romans arrayed against them. As the country
was wooded, however, right down to the river bank, he
planted ambuscades in it, and captured and destroyed
them as fast as they crossed. While following up some
fugitives he fell in with Catugnatus himself, and would
have perished with all his force, had not the advent of
86
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
a violent storm detained the barbarians from pursuit, b. c. 61
{a. u. 693)
Later, when Catugnatus had gone away to some dis- _48_
tant place, Lentinus overran the country again, and
seized and razed to the ground the wall where he had
met with mishap. Also, Lucius Marius and Servius
Galba crossed the Rhone and after damaging the pos-
sessions of the Allobroges finally reached the city of
Solonium^ and occupied a strong position commanding
it. Li the battle they conquered their opponents and
•set fire to the fortification, a portion of which was of
wood : they did not, however, capture it, being hindered
by the appearance of Catugnatus. Pomptinus, on re-
ceipt of this news, proceeded against him with his
entire force, and besieged and got possession of the
inhabitants all except Catugnatus. After that he more _ 49 _
easily subjugated the remaining portions. b. c. 60
{a. u. 694)
At this juncture Pompey entered Italy and had Lu-
cius Afranius and Metellus Celer appointed consuls,
vainly hoping that through them he could effect what-
ever he desired. Among his chief wishes was to have
some land given to him for the comrades of his cam-
paigns and to have all his acts approved ; but he failed
of these objects at that time, because those in power,
who were formerly not pleased with him^ prevented the
questions being brought to vote. And of the consuls
themselves Afranius (who understood how to dance
better than to transact any business) did not unite with
him for any purpose, and Metellus, in anger that Pom-
lOr Solo (according to the Epitome of the one hundred and third
Book of Livy).
87
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
(of if ' 694) ^^^ ^^^ divorced Ms sister in spite of having had chil-
dren by her, consistently opposed him in everything.
Moreover, Lucius Lucullus whom Pompey had once
treated contemptuously at a chance meeting in Gaul was
greatly incensed against him, bidding him give an ac-
count individually and separately of everything he had
done instead of demanding a ratification for all of his
acts at once. He said it was only fair to refuse to let
absolutely everything that Pompey had done, as to the
character of which no one knew anything, be confirmed ;
it was unjust to treat them like deeds performed by
some master. When he (Lucullus) had finished any of
his own undertakings, he was accustomed to ask that an
investigation of each one be made in the senate, in
order that the senators might ratify whichever suited
them. Lucullus was strongly supported by Cato and
Metellus and the rest who had the same wishes as they.
— 50— Accordingly, when the tribune who moved that land
be assigned to the adherents of Pompey added to the
proposition (in order that they might more readily
vote this particular measure and ratify his acts) that
the same opportunity be afforded all the citizens as
well, Metellus contested every point with him and at-
tacked the tribune to such an extent that the latter had
him put in a cell. Then Metellus wished to assemble
the senate there. When the other — his name was
Lucius Flavins — set the tribune's bench at the very
entrance of the cell and sitting there became an ob-
stacle to any one's entrance, Metellus ordered the wall
of the prison to be cut through so that the senate might
88
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
have an entrance through it, and made preparations , b. c. 60
° r- j:- (a. u. 694)
to pass the night where he was. Pompey, on learning
of this, in shame and some fear that the populace might
take offence, directed Flavius to withdraw. He spoke
as if this were a request from Metellus, but was not
believed: for the latter 's pride was well known to all.
Indeed, Metellus would not give his consent when the
other tribunes wished to set him free. He would not
even yield when Flavius threatened him again that he
would not allow him to go out to the province which he
had obtained by lot unless he should assist the tribune
in putting the law through : on the contrary he was very
glad to remain in the city.
Pompey, therefore, since he could accomplish nothiug
because of Metellus and the rest, said that they were
jealous of him and that he would let the people know of
this. Fearing, however, that he should miss their sup-
port as well, and so be subjected to still greater shame,
he abandoned his original aims. Thus he learned that
he had no power in reality, but only the reputation and
envy resulting from his former authority, which on
the other hand afforded him no actual benefit; and he
repented of having let his legions go and of having
delivered himself to his enemies.
Clodius 's hatred^ of the influential men led him after — 51 —
the trial to desire to be tribune, and he induced some of
those who held that office to move that a share in it be
given to the patricians also. As he could not bring
this about, he abjured his noble rank and changing his
1 Supplying rd /xiffeiv (as v. Herwerden, Boissevain).
89
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^' ^" 6941 tactics set out to obtain the prerogatives of the popu-
lace, and was even enrolled in their list. Immediately
he sought the tribuneship but was not appointed, owing
to the opposition of Metellus, who was related to him
and did not like his actions. The excuse that MeteUus
gave was that the transference of Clodius had not been
in accord with tradition; this change had been per-
mitted only at the time when the lex curiata was iatro-
duced. Thus ended this episode.
Since now the taxes were a great oppression to the
city and the rest of Italy, the law that abolished them
caused pleasure to all. The senators, however, were
angry at the praetor who proposed it (Metellus Nepos
was the man) and wished to erase his name from the
law, entering another one instead. Although this plan
was not carried out, it was stUl made clear to all that
they received not even benefits gladly from inferior
men. About this same time Faustus, son of Sulla, gave
a gladiatorial combat in memory of his father and en-
tertained the people brilliantly, fumishuig them with
baths and oil gratis.
— 52 — While this happened iu the city, Caesar had obtained
the government of Lusitania after his praetorship : and
though he might without any great labor have cleared
the land of brigandage (which probably always ex-
isted there) and then have kept quiet, he refused to
do so. He was eager for glory, emulating Pompey
and his other predecessors who at one time had held
great power, and he harbored no small designs ; it was
his hope, in case he should at that time accomplish any-
thing, to be immediately chosen consul and show the
90
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
people deeds of magnitude. That hope was based ^- ^- ^^
more especially upon the fact that in Gades, when he
was praetor, he had dreamed of intercourse with his
mother, and had learned from the seers that he should
come to great power. Hence, on beholding there a
likeness of Alexander dedicated in the temple of Her-
cules he had given a groan, lamenting that he had per-
formed no great work as yet.
Accordingly, though he might, as I have said, have
been at peace, he took his way to Mount Herminium
and ordered the dwellers on it to move into the plain,
pretendedly that they might not rush down from their
strongholds and plunder, but really because he well
knew that they would never do what he asked, and that
as a result he should get a cause for war. This also
happened. After these men, then, had taken up arms
he proceeded to draw them on. When some of the
neighbors, fearing that he would betake himself against
them too, carried off their children and wives and most
valuable possessions out of the way across the Dorius,
he first occupied their cities, where these measures
were being taken, and next joined battle with the men
themselves. They put their flocks in front of them,
so that the Romans might scatter to seize the cattle,
whereupon they would attack them. But Caesar, neg-
lecting the quadrupeds, took the men by surprise and
conquered them. Meanwhile he learned that the inhab- — 63 —
itants of Herminium had withdrawn and were intend-
ing to ambuscade him as he returned. So for the time
being he returned by another road, but again made an
attempt upon them in which he was victorious and pur-
91
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^" '^- ^P. V sued them in flight to the ocean. When, however, they
(a. u. 694) ° .
abandoned the mainland and crossed over to an island,
he stayed where he was, for his supply of boats was not
large. He did put together some rafts, by means of
which he sent on a part of his army, and lost numerous
men. The person in command of them had advanced
to a breakwater which was near the island and had
disembarked the troops with a view to their crossing
over on foot, when he was forced off by the flood tide
and put out to sea, leaving them in the lurch. All of
them died bravely defending themselves save Publius
Scaefius, the only one to survive. Deprived of his shield
and wounded in many places he leaped into the water
and escaped by swimming. These events occurred all
at one time. Later, Caesar sent for boats from Gades,
crossed over to the island with his whole army and
overcame the dwellers there without a blow, as they
were in poor condition from lack of food. Thence he
sailed along to Brigantium, a city of Gallaecia, alarmed
the people (who had never before seen a vessel) by the
breakers which his approach to land caused, and sub-
jugated them.
— 54— On accomplishing this he thought he had gained a
sufficient means of access to the consulship and set out
hastily, even before his successor arrived, to the elec-
tions. He decided to seek the position even before
asking for a triumph, since it was not possible to hold
a festival beforehand. He was refused the triumph,
for Cato opposed him with might and main. How-
ever, he let that go, hoping to perform many more and
greater exploits and celebrate corresponding triumphs,
92
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
if elected consul. Besides the omens previously re- ,„^- *-'-PP^,
^ ■' (a. u. 694)
cited, on which, he at all times greatly prided himself,
■was the fact that a horse of his had been born with
clefts in the hoofs of its front feet, and bore him
proudly, whereas it would not endure any other rider.
Consequently his expectations were of no small char-
acter, so that he willingly resigned the triumphal cele-
bration and entered the city to canvass for office. Here
he courted Pompey and Crassus and the rest so skill-
fully that though they were still at enmity with each
other, and their political clubs were likewise, and
though each opposed everything that he learned the
other wished, he won them over and was unanimously
appointed by them all. This evidences his cleverness
in the greatest degree that he should have known and
arranged the occasions and the amount of his services
so well as to attach them both to him when they were
working against each other.
He was not even satisfied with this, but actually —es —
reconciled them, not because he was desirous of having
them agree, but because he saw that they were the most
powerful persons. And he understood well that with-
out the aid of both or of one he could never come to any
great power ; but if he should make a friend of merely
either one of them, he should by that fact find the
other his antagonist and should suffer more reverses
through him than he would win success by the sup-
port of the other. For, on the one hand, it seemed to
him that all men work more strenuously against their
enemies than they cooperate with their friends, not
merely as a corollary of the fact that anger and hate
93
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 60 impel more earnest endeavor than any friendsliip. but
(O. u. 694) ^ J 1.1
also because, when one man works for himself, and a
second for another, success does not hold a like amount
of pleasure or failure of pain in the two cases. Per
contra he reflected that it was handier to get in peo-
ple's way and prevent their reaching any prominence
than to be willing to lead them tp great heights. The
chief reason for this was that he who keeps another
from attaining magnitude pleases others as well as
himself, whereas he who exalts another renders him
burdensome to both those parties.
— 56— These reasons led Caesar at that time to insinuate
himself into their good graces, and subsequently he
reconciled them with each other. He did not believe
that without them he could either attain permanent
power or fail to offend one of them some time, and had
equally little fear of their harmonizing their plans and
so becoming stronger than he. For he understood per-
fectly that he should master other people immediately
through their friendship, and a little later master them
through the agency of each other. And so it was.^
Pompey and Crassus, the moment they entered into his
plan, themselves made peace each with the other as
if of their own accord, and took Caesar into partnership
respecting their designs. Pompey, on his side, was
not so strong as he had hoped to be, and seeing that
Crassus was in po\yer and that Caesar's influence was
growing feared that he should be utterly overthrown
1 The following sentence : " For these reasons, then, he had both
united them and won them over " is probably an explanatory insertion,
made by some copyist. (So Bekker.)
94
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
by them : but be bad tbe additional bope that if be made , ^- ^- ^" ,
•' ' ^ (a. u. 694)
tbem sbarers in present advantages, be sbould "win
back bis old autbority tbrougb tbem. Crassus thougbt
that be sbonld properly surpass tbem all by reason of
bis family as well as bis wealtb; and since be was far
inferior to Pompey and tbougbt tbat Caesar would
rise to great beigbts, be desired to set tbem in op-
position one to tbe otber, in order tbat neitber of tbem
sbould bave tbe upper band. He expected tbat tbey
would be evenly matcbed antagonists and in tbis event
be would get tbe benefit of tbe friendship of eacb and
gain honors beyond both of tbem. For without sup-
porting in all respects either the policy of the populace
or that of tbe senate be did everything to advance bis
own supremacy. Thus it happened that he did both
of tbem equal services and avoided tbe enmity of
Ciither, promoting on occasion whatever measures
pleased both to such an extent as was likely to give
him tbe credit for everything that went to the liking of
the two, without any share in more unpleasant issues.
Thus the three for these reasons cemented friend- —57 —
ship, ratified it with oaths, and managed public affairs
by their own influence. Next they gave and received
in turn, one from another, whatever they set their
hearts on and was in view of the circumstances suit-
able to be carried out by tbem. Their harmony caused
an agreement also on the part of their political fol-
lowers: these, too, did with impunity whatever they
wished, enjoying tbe leadership of their superiors to-
ward any ends, so that few traces of moderation re-
95
— 58 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. 0. 60 mained and those only in Cato and in any one else who
(o. u. 694) •' _ "^ .
wished to seem to hold the same opinions as did he. No
one in that generation took part in politics from pure
motives and without any individual desire of gain ex-
cept Cato. Some were ashamed of the acts committed
and others who strove to imitate him took a hand in
affairs in places, and manifested something of the same
spirit : they were not persevering, however, inasmuch
as their efforts sprang from cultivation of an attitude
and not from innate virtue.
This was the condition into which these men brought
the affairs of Eome at that time while they concealed
their sworn fellowship as much as possible. They did
whatever had approved itself to them, but fabricated
and put forth the most opposite motives, in order that
they might still lie concealed for a very lon^ time till
their preparations should be sufficiently made.
Yet Heaven was not ignorant of their doings, and it
straightway revealed plainly to those who could under-
stand any such signs all that would later result from
their domination. For of a sudden such a storm came
down upon the whole city and all the land that quan-
tities of trees were torn up by the roots, many houses
were shattered, the boats moored in the Tiber both
near the city and at its mouth were sunk, and the
wooden bridge destroyed, and a small theatre built
of timbers for some assembly was overturned, and
in the midst of all this great mmibers of human beings
perished. These portents appeared in advance,— an
image, as it were, of what should befall the people both
on land and on water.
96
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
38
VOL. 2—7 97
The following is contained in the Thirty-eighth of Dio's Borne:
How Csesar and Bibulus fell to quarreling (chapters
1-8).
How Oieero was exiled (ehapters 9-17).
How Philisous consoled Cicero in the matter of his exile
(ehapters 18-30).
How Osesar fought the Helvetii and Ariovistus (chapters
31-50).
Duration of time, two years, in which there were the following
magistrates, here enumerated:
C. lulius C. F. Csesar, M. OalpumiusH C. f. Bibulus]].
(B. 0. 59 = a. u. 695.)
||L. Calpumius|] L. f. Piso, A. Gabinius A. f. (B. C.
58 = a. u. 696.)
The names within the parallel lines are lacking in the MSS., but
were inserted by Palmer (and Boissevain).
98
(BOOK 38, BOISSEVAIN.)
Tlie following year Cajsar wished to court the favor — i —
, 1 1 . B. C. 59
of the entire multitude, that he might make them his (a. u. 695)
own to an even greater degree. But since he was
anxious to seem to be advancing also the interests of
the leading classes, so as to avoid getting into enmity
with them, he often told them that he would propose.no
measure which would not advantage them also. Now
there was a certain proposition about the land which
he was for assigning to the whole populace, that he had
framed in such a way as to incur no little censure for
it. However, he pretended he would not introduce this
measure, either, unless it should be according to their
wishes. So far as the law went, indeed, no one could
find fault with him. The mass of the citizens, which
was unwieldly (a feature which more than any other
accounted for their tendency to riot), was thus turning
in the direction of work and agriculture; and most of
the desolated sections of Italy were being colonized
afresh, so that not only those who had been worn out
in the campaigns, but also all of the rest should have
subsistence a plenty, and that without any individual
expense on the part of the city or any assessment of
the chief men ; rather it included the conferring of both
rank and office upon many. He wanted to distribute all
the public land except Campania — this he advised
their keeping distinct as a public possession, because of
its excellence — and the rest he urged them to buy
99
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 59 not from any one who was unwilling to sell nor again
for so large a price as the settlers might wish, but first
from people who were willing to dispose of their hold-
ings and second for as large a price as it had been
valued at in the tax-lists. They had a great deal of sur-
plus money, he asserted, as a result of the booty which
Pompey had captured, as well as from the new^ trib-
utes and taxes just established, and they ought, inas-
much as it had been provided by the dangers that
citizens had incurred, to expend it upon those very
persons. Furthermore he was for constituting the
land commissioners not a small body, to seem like an
oligarchy, nor composed of men who were laboring un-
der any legal indictment,^ lest somebody might be dis-
pleased, but twenty to begin with, so that many might
share the honor, and next those who were most suitable,
except himself. This point he quite insisted should be
settled in advance, that it might not be thought that he
was making a motion on his own account. He himself
was satisfied with the conception and proposal of the
matter ; at least he said so, but clearly he was doing a
favor to Pompey and Crassus and the rest.
_8_ So far as the motion went, then, he escaped censure,
so that no one, indeed, ventured to open his mouth in
opposition : for he had read it aloud beforehand in the
senate, and calling upon each one of the senators by
name had enquired his opinion, for fear that some one
1 Reading TcpoaxaTaaTdvTmv (as Boissevain).
2 The reading here has been subjected to criticism (compare Naber
in Mnemosyne, XVI, p. 109 ) , but see Cicero, De Leg% Agrwria 2, 9, 24
and Monunsen, Staatsrecht, P, 468, 3.
100
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
miglit liave some fault to find ; and he promised to , B- c. 59
_ » t- (a, M. 695)
frame differently or even erase entirely any clause
which might not please any person. Still on the whole
quite all the foremost men who were outside the plot
were irritated. And this very fact troubled them most,
that CaBsar had compiled such a document that not one
could raise a criticism and yet they were all cast down.
They suspected the purpose with which it was being
done, — that he would bind the multitude to him as a
result of it, and have reputation and power over all
men. For this reason even if no one spoke against
him, no one expressed approval, either. This sufficed
for the majority and they kept promising him that
they would pass the decree: but they did nothing; on
the contrary, fruitless delays and postponements kept
arising. As for Marcus Cato, who was in general an — 3—
upright man and displeased with any innovation but
was able to exert no influence either by nature or by
education, he did not himself make any complaint
agednst the motion, but without going into particulars
urged them to abide by the existing system and take no
steps beyond it. At this Caesar was on the point of drag-
ging Cato out of the very senate-house and casting him
into prison. The latter gave himself up quite readily
to be led away and not a few of the rest followed him;
one of them, Marcus Petreius, being rebuked by Caesar
because he was taking his departure before the senate
was yet dismissed, replied : "I prefer to be with Cato
in his cell rather than here with you. ' ' Abashed at this
speech Caesar let Cato go and adjourned the senate,
101
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
. ^- ^•ggg, saying only this much, in passiag: " I have made you
judges and lords of the law so that if anything should
not suit you, it need not be brought iuto the public as-
sembly ; but since you are not willing to pass a decree,
that body itself shall decide."
~ ~~ Thereafter he communicated to the senate nothing
further under this head but brought directly before the
people whatever he desired. However, as he wished
even under these circumstances to secure as sympathiz-
ers some of the foremost men in. the assembly, hoping
that they had now changed their minds and would be
a little afraid of the populace, he began with his col-
league and asked him if he criticised the provisions of
the law. When the latter made no answer save that he
would endure no innovations in his own office, Caesar
proceeded to supplicate him and persuaded the multi-
tude to join him in his request, saying: " You shall
have the law if only he wishes it."
Bibulus with a great shout replied : " You shall not
have this law this year, even if all of you wish it."
And having spoken thus he took his departure.
Caesar did not address any further enqtdries to per-
sons in office, f eariag that some one of them might also
oppose him ; but he held a conference with Pompey and
Crassus, though they were private citizens, and bade
them make known their views about the proposition.
This was not because he failed to imderstand their at-
titude, for all their undertakings were in common ; but
he purposed to honor these men in that he called them
in as advisers about the law when they were holding
102
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
no office, and also to stir terror in the rest by se- , b. c. 59
' •' (o. M. 695)
curing the adherence of men who were admittedly the
foremost in the city at that time and had the greatest
influence with all. By this very move, also, he would
please the multitude, by giving proof that they were
not striving for any unusual or unjust end, but for ob-
jects which those great men were willing both to scru-
tinize and to approve.
Pompey, accordingly, very gladly addressed them as — 5 —
follows : * ' Not I alone, Quirites, sanction the propo-
sition, but all the rest of the senate as well, seeing that
it has voted for land to be given, aside from the part-
ners of my campaign, to those who formerly followed
Metellus. At that time, indeed, since the treasury had
no great means, the granting of the land was naturally
postponed ; but at present, since it has become exceed-
ingly rich through my efforts, it behooves the senators
to redeem their promise and the rest to reap the fruit
of the common toils." After these remarks he went
over in detail every feature of the proposition and ap-
proved them all, so that the crowd was mightily
pleased. Seeing this, Caesar asked him if he would
willingly lend assistance against those who took the op-
posite side, and advised the multitude to ask his aid
similarly for this end. When this was done Pompey
was elated because both the consul and the multitude
had petitioned his help, although he was holding no
position of command. So, with an added opinion of his
own value and assuming much dignity he spoke at some
length, finally declaring " if any one dares to raise a
103
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 59 sword, I, too, will oppose to him my shield." These
(d U 695) 7 7 7 X J. •-
utterances of Pompey Crassus, too, approved. Con-
sequently even if some of the rest were not pleased,
most became very eager for the ratification of the law
when these* men whose reputations were in general
excellent and who were, according to common opinion,
inimical to Caesar (their reconciliation was not yet
manifest) joined ia the approbation of his measure.
— 6— Bibulus, notwithstanding, would not yield and with
three tribunes to support him continued to hinder the
enactment of the law. Finally, when no excuse for de-
lay was any longer left him, he proclaimed a sacred
period for all the remaining days of the year alike,
during which people could not, in accordance with the
laws, come together for a meeting.* Caesar paid slight
attention to him and announced an appointed day on
which they should pass the law. When the multitude
by night had already occupied the Forum, Bibulus ap-
peared with the force at his disposal and made his way
to the temple of the Dioscuri from which Caesar was de-
livering his harangue. The men fell back before him
partly out of respect and partly because they thought
he would not actually oppose them. But when he
reached an elevated place and attempted to dispute
with Caesar, he was thrust down the steps, his staves
were broken to pieces, and the tribunes as well as the
others received blows and wounds.
1 The words ^"£(^17 outoi are supplied here by Reiske.
2 In regard to this matter see Mnemosyne N. S. XIX, p. 106, note 2.
The article in question is by I. M. J. Valeton, who agrees with Momm-
Ben's conclusions {Staatsrecht, III, p. 1058, note 2).
104
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Thus the law was ratified. Bibulus was for the mo- (». '«."695)
ment satisfied to save his life, but on the following day
tried in the senate to annul the act; however, he ef-
fected nothing, for all, subservient to the will of the
multitude, remained quiet. Accordingly he retired to
his home and did not again so much as once appear in
public imtil the last day of the year. Instead he re-
mained in his house, notifying Csesar through his as-
sistants on the introduction of every new measure that
it was a sacred period and by the laws he could right-
fully take no action during it. Publius Vatinius, a trib-
ime, indeed undertook to place Bibulus in a cell for
this, but was prevented from confining him by the op-
position of his associates in oflfice. However, Bibulus
in this way put himself out of politics and the tribunes
belongiag to his party likewise were never again en-
trusted with any public duty.
It should be said that Metellus Celer and Cato and —7 —
through him one Marcus Favonius, who imitated him
in all points, for a while would not take the oath of
obedience to the law. (This custom once^ begun, as I
have stated, became the regular practice in the case of
other unusual measures also.) A number besides Me-
tellus, who referred to his title of Nimiidicus, flatly
declared they would never join in approving it. When,
however, the day came* on which they were to incur the
1 Beading wore, with Boissevain. There is apparently a reference
to the year B. C. 100, and to the refusal of Metellus Numidicus to
swear to the lex Appuleia.
2 Following Reiske's arrangement: &S /livTot ^ '^/'■ipa ^xev, iv f
e/ieXXoy. . , .
105
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 59 Btated penalties, they took the oath., either as a result
(a. M. 695) ^ .
of the human trait according to which many persons
utter promises and threats more easily than they put
anything into execution, or else because they were go-
ing to be fined to no purpose, without helping the com-
monwealth at all by their obstinacy. So the law was
ratified, and furthermore the land of Campania was
given to those having three or more children. For this
reason Capua was then for the first time considered a
Roman colony.
By this means Caesar attached to his cause the people,
and he won the knights, as well, by allowing them a
third part of the taxes which they had hired. All the
collections were made through them and though they
had often asked the senate to grant them some satisfac-
tory schedule, they had not gained it, because Cato and
the others worked against them. When, then, he had
conciliated this class also without any protest, he first
ratified all the acts of Pompey — and in this he met
no opposition from Lucullus or any one else, — and next
he put through many other measures while no one op-
posed him. There was no gainsaying even from Cato,
although in the prsetorship which he soon after held,
he would never mention the title of the other's laws,
which were called the " Julian." While he followed
their provisions in allotiag the courts he most ridicu-
lously concealed their names.
These, then, because they are very many in number
and offer no contribution to this history, I will leave
—8— aside. — Quintus Fufius Calenus, finding that the
106
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
votes of all in party contests were promiscuously i^'^'wo)
mingled, — each of the classes attributing the superior
measures to itself and referring the less sensible to th©
others — passed when praetor a law that each should
cast its votes separately : his purpose was that even if
their individual opinions could not be revealed^ by
reason of doing this secretly, yet the views of the
classes at least might be made known.
As for the rest, Caesar himself proposed, advised and
arranged everything in the city once for all as if he
were its sole ruler. Hence some facetious persons hid
the name of Bibulus in silence altogether and named
Caesar twice, and in writing would mention Graiua
Caesar and Julius Caesar as being the consuls. But in
matters that concerned himself he managed through
others, for he guarded most strenuously against the
contingency of presenting anything to himself. By this
means he more easily effected everything that he de-
sired. He himself declared that he needed nothing
more and strongly protested that he was satisfied with
his present possessions. Others, believing him a neces-
sary and useful factor in affairs proposed whatever
he wished and had it ratified, not only before the popu-
lace but in the senate itself. I'or whereas the multi-
tude granted him the government of Ulyricum and of
Gaul this side of the Alps with three legions for five
years, the senate entrusted him in addition with Gaul
beyond the mountains and another legion. Even so, in — 9 —
fear that Pompey in his absence (during which Aulus
Gabinius was to be consul) might lead some revolt, he
107
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 59 attached to his cause both. Pompey and the other consul,
(tt. w. 695)
Lucius Piso, by the bond of kinship : upon the former
he bestowed his daughter, in spite of having betrothed
her to another man, and he himself married Piso's
daughter. Thus he fortified himself on all sides. But
Cicero and LucuUuSj little pleased at this, undertook
to kill both CsBsar and Pompey through the medium of
one Lucius Vettius ; they failed of their attempt, how-
ever, and all but perished themselves as well. For
Vettius, being informed agaiust and arrested before he
had acted, denounced them; and had he not charged
Bibulus also with being in the plot against the two,
they would have certainly met some evil fate. As it
was, inasmuch as in his defence he accused the man
who had revealed the project to Pompey, he was sus-
pected of not speaking the truth on other points either,
but created the impression that the matter had been
somehow purposely contrived with a view to calumniat-
ing the opposite party. About these details some spread
one report and others another, but nothing was defi-
nitely proven. Vettius was brought before the popu-
lace and after naming only those whom I have men-
tioned was thrown into prison, where not much later
he was treacherously murdered.
— 10— In consequence of this Cicero became an object of
suspicion on the part of Caesar and Pompey, and he
strengthened their conjecture in his defence of An-
tonius. The latter, in his governorship of Macedonia,
had committed many outrages upon the subject ter-
ritory as well as the section that was under truce, and
108
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
had been well chastised in return. He ravaged the b. c. 59
(a. u. 695)
possessions of the Dardani and their neighbors and
then did not dare to withstand their attack, but pre-
tending to retire with his cavalry for some other pur-
pose took to flight; in this way the enemy surrounded
his infantry and drove them out of the country with
violence, taking away their plunder from them besides.
When he tried the same tactics on the allies in Mcesia
he was defeated near the city of the Istrianians by the
Bastamian Scythians who came to their aid; and
thereupon he decamped. It was not for this conduct,
however, that he was accused, but he was indicted for
conspiracy with Catiline ; yet he was convicted on the
former charge, so that it was his fate to be found not
guilty of the crime for which he was being tried, but
to be punished for something of which he was not ac-
cused. That was the way he finally came off; but at
the time Cicero in the character of his advocate, be-
cause Antonius was his colleague, made a most bitter
assault upon Caesar as responsible for the suit against
the man, and heaped some abuse upon him in addition.
Caesar was naturally indignant at it, but, although —11 —
consul, refused to be the author of any insolent speech
or act against him. He said that the rabble purposely
cast out^ many idle slurs upon their superiors, trying
to entice them into strife, so that the commoners might
seem to be equal and of like importance, in case they
should get anything similar said of themselves. Hence
he did not see fit to put any person on an equal footing
1 The verb is supplied by Reiske.
109
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 59 -yjrith himself. It had been his custom, therefore, to
(0. «. 695)
conduct himself thus toward others who insulted him
at all, and now seeing that Cicero was not so anxious
about abusing him as about obtaining similar abuse in
return and was merely desirous of being put on an
equality with him, he paid litBe heed to his traducer,
acting as if nothing had been said ; indeed, he allowed
him to employ vilifications unstintedly, as if they were
praises showered upon him. StUl, he did not disregard
him entirely. Caesar possessed in reality a rather de-
cent nature, and was not easUy moved to anger. Ac-
cordingly, though punishing many, since his interests
were of such magnitude, yet his action was not due to
anger nor was it altogether immediate. He did not in-
dulge wrath at all, but watched his opportunity and his
vengeance dogged the steps of the majority of culprits
without their knowing it. He did not take measures
so as to seem to defend himself against anybody, but
so as to arrange everything to his own advantage while
creating the least odium. Therefore he visited retribu-
tion secretly and in places where one would least have
expected it, — both for the sake of his reputation, to
avoid seeming to be of a wrathful disposition, and to
the end that no one through premonition should be on
his guard in advance, or try to inflict some dangerous
injury upon his persecutor before being injured. For
he was not more concerned about what had already oc-
curred than that^ (future attacks) should be hindered.
As a result he would pardon many of those, even, who
1 Following Reiske's reading: ^ Iva to. fiiXkovra xioXuBsitj.
110
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
had harmed him greatly, or pursue them only a little ,^'^'qq^^
way, because he believed they would do no further in-
jury; whereas upon many others, even more than was
right, he took vengeance looking to his safety, and said
that^ what was done he could never make undone,^ but
because of the extreme punishment he would^ for the
future at least suffer^ no calamity.
These calculations induced him to remain quiet on —la-
this occasion, too; but when he ascertained that Clodiua
was willing to do him. a favor in return, because he had
not accused him of adultery, he set the man secretly
against Cicero. In the first place, in order that he
might be lawfully excluded from the patricians, he
transferred him with Pompey's cooperation again to
the plebian rank, and then immediately had him ap-
pointed tribune. This Clodius^ then, muzzled Bibulus,
who had entered the Forum at the expiration of his
office and intended in the course of taking the oath to
deliver a speech about present conditions, and after
that attacked Cicero also. He soon decided that it was
not easy to overthrow a man who, on account of his skill
in speaking, had very great influence in politics,
and so proceeded to conciliate not only the populace, b. c. 58
but also the knights and the senate with whom Cicero
was most held in regard. His hope was that if he could
make these men his own, he might easily cause the
downfall of the orator, whose great strength lay rather
in the fear than in the good-will which he inspired.
For Cicero annoyed great nmnbers by his words, and
1 Gaps in the text supplied by Eeiske.
Ill
{a. u. 696)
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 those wlio were won to him by benefits conferred were
{a. u. 696) ., ,. ,,,... J
not so numerous as those ahenated by injuries done
them. Not only did it hold true in his case that the ma-
jority of mankind are more ready to feel irritation at
what displeases them than to feel grateful to any one
for good treatment, and think that they have paid their
advocates in full with wages, whereas they are de-
termiaed to give those who oppose them at law a per-
ceptible setback : but furthermore he invited very bitter
enemies by always striving to get the better of even
the strongest men and by always employing an un-
bridled and excessive frankness of speech to all alike;
he was in desperate pursuit of a reputation for being
able to comprehend and speak as no one else could,
and before all wanted to be thought a valuable citizen.
As a result of this and because he was the greatest
boaster alive and thought no one equal to himself, but
in his words and life alike looked down on all and would
not live as any one else did, he was wearisome and
burdensome, and was consequently both envied and
hated even by those very persons whom he pleased.
— 13_ Clodius therefore hoped that for these reasons, if
he should prepare the minds of the senate and the
knights and the populace in advance, he could quickly
make way with him. So he straightway^ distributed
free com gratis (he had already in the consulship of
Gabinius and Piso introduced a motion that it be
measured out to those who lacked), and revived the as-
sociations called collegia in the native language, which
1 The suggestion of Boissevain {ebeui;) or of Mommsen {ainixa)
is here adopted in preference to the MS. aS^i? (evidently erroneous).
112
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
liad existed anciently but had been abolished for some (a^'„^'6%)
time. The tribunes he forbade to depose a person
from any oflBce or disfranchise him, save if a man
should be tried and convicted in presence of them both.
After enticing the citizens by these means he proposed
another law, concerning which it is necessary to speak
at some length, so that it may become clearer to most
persons.
Public divination was obtained from the sky and
from some other sources, as I said, but that of the sky
carried the greatest weight, — so much so that whereas
the other auguries held were many in number and for
each action, this one was held but once and for the
whole day. Besides this most peculiar feature it was
noticeable that whereas in reference to all other mat-
ters sky-divination either allowed things to be done
and they were carried out without consulting any indi-
vidual augury further, or else it would prevent and
hinder something, it restrained the balloting of the popu-
lace altogether and was always a portent to check them,
whether it was of a favorable or ill-boding nature.
Now the cause of this custom I am unable to state, but
I set down the common report. Accordingly, many
persons who wished to obstruct either the proposal of
laws or official appointments that came before the pop-
ular assembly were in the habit of announcing that they
would use the divination from the sky for that day,
so that the i>eople could ratify nothing during the
period. Clodius was afraid that if he indicted Cicero
some person by such means might interpose a post-
VOL. 2.-8 113
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^'^'^L. ponement or delay the trial, and so introduced the
(a. u. 096) '- II
measure that no one of the officials should, on the days
when it was necessary for the people to vote on any-
thing, observe the signs from heaven.
— 14— Such was the nature of the indictment which he then
drew up against Cicero. The latter understood what
was going on and induced Lucius Ninnius Quadratus,
a tribune, to oppose it all: then Clodius, in fear lest
a tumult and delay of some kind should arise as a re-
sult, outwitted him by deceit. He made arrangements
with Cicero beforehand to bring no indictment against
him, if he, in turn, would not interfere with any of the
measures under consideration; whereupon, while the
latter and Ninnius were quiet, he secured the passage
of the laws, and next proceeded agaiast the orator.
Thus was the latter, who thought himself extremely
wise, deceived on that occasion by Clodius, — if we
ought to say Clodius and not Caesar and his party.
For the law that Clodius proposed after this trick was
not on its face enacted against Cicero (i. e. it did not
contain his name), but against all those simply who
put to death or had put to death any citizen without
the condemnation of the populace; yet in fact it was
drawn up as strongly as possible against that one man.
It brought within its scope, indeed, all the senate,
because they had charged the consuls with the protec-
tion of the city, by which act it was permitted the latter
to take such steps, and subsequently had voted to con-
demn Lentulus and the rest who at that time suffered
the death penalty. Cicero, however, incurred the re-
114
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
sponsibility alone or most of all, because he had laid ^■^- ^^
information against them and had each time made the
proposition and put the vote and had finally seen to
their execution by the agents entrusted with such busi-
ness. For this reason he took vigorous retaliatory
measures, and discarding senatorial dress went about
in the garb of the knights, paying court meanwhile, as
he went back and forth, day and night alike to all who
had any influence, not only of his friends but also of
his opponents, and especially to Pompey and Caesar,
inasmuch as they did not show their enmity toward
him. In their anxiety not to appear by their own ac- —15—
tion to have set Clodius on or to be pleased with his
measures, they devised the following way, which suited
them admirably and was obscure to their foe, for de-
ceiving Cicero. Caesar advised him to yield, for fear
he might perish if he remained where he was : and in
order to have it believed the more readily that he was
doing this through good will, he promised that the
other should employ him as helper, so that he might
retire from Clodius 's path not with reproach and as if
under examination, but in command and with honor.
Pompey, however, turned him aside from this course,
calling the act outright desertion, and uttering insinua-
tions against Caesar to the effect that through enmity
he was not giving sound advice ; for his own counsel,
as expressed, was for Cicero to remain and come to
the aid of the senate and himself with outspokenness,
and to defend himself immediately against Clodius:
the latter, he declared, would not be able to accomplish
115
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 anytliiiiff with the orator present and confronting him
(a. M. 696) JO r , . T , J 1
and would furthermore meet his deserts, and he,
Pompey, would cooperate to this end. After these
speeches from them, modeled in such a way not be-
cause the views of the two were opposed, but for the
purpose of deceiving the man without arousing his
suspicion, Cicero attached himself to Pompey. Of him
he had no previous suspicion and was thoroughly con-
fident of being rescued by his assistance. Many men
respected and honored him, for mnnerous persons in
trouble were saved some from the judges and others
from their very accusers. Also, since Clodius had
been a relative of Pompey 's and a partner of his cam-
paigns for a long period, it seemed likely that he would
do nothing that failed to accord with his wishes. As
for Gabinius, Cicero expected that he could count on
him absolutely as an adherent, being a good friend of
his, and equally on Piso because of his regard for right
_ie_ and his kinship with CaBsar. On the basis of these
calculations, then, he hoped to win (for he was confi-
dent beyond reason even as he had been terrified with-
out investigating), and in fear lest his withdrawal
from town should seem to have been the result of a bad
conscience, he paid heed to Pompey, while stating to
Caesar that he was considerably obliged to him.
Thus it came about that the victim of the deceit con-
tinued his preparations to administer a stinging defeat
to his enemies. For, in addition to the encouraging
circumstances already mentioned, the knights in con-
vention sent to the consuls and senate on the Capitol
116
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
envoys in his behalf from their own number, and also ,^'^' QgQ^
the senators Quintus Hortensius and Gains Curio. One
of the many ways in which Ninnius, too, assisted him
was to urge the populace to change their garb, as if
for a imiversal disaster. And many even of the senat-
ors did* this and would not change back until the con-
suls by edict rebuked them.
The forces of his adversaries were more powerful,
however. Clodius would not allow Ninnius to take any
action in his behalf, and Gabinius would not grant the
knights access to the senate ; on the contrary, he drove
one of them, who was very insistent, out of the city
and chided Hortensius and Curio for having come be-
fore them when they were assembled and having un-
dertaken the embassy. Moreover Clodius led them be-
fore the populace where they were well thrashed and
heaten for their embassy by some appointed agents.
After this Piso, though he seemed well disposed toward
Cicero and had advised him to slip away beforehand
on seeing that it was impossible for him to attain safety
by other means, nevertheless, when the orator took of-
fence at this counsel, came before the assembly at the
first opportunity — he was too feeble most of the time
— and to the question of Clodius as to what opinion
he held regarding the proposed measure said: " No
deed of cruelty or sadness pleases me." Gabinius, too,
on being asked the same question, not only praised
Clodius but indulged in invectives against the knights
and the senate.
1 Verb supplied by Xylander.
117
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
— 17 — Caesar, however (whom since he had taken the field
B. C. 58 '
(a. u. 696) Clodius could make arbiter of the proposition only by
assembling the throng outside the walls), condemned
the lawlessness of the action taken in regard to Lentu-
lus, but still did not approve the punishment proposed
for it. Every one knew, he said, all that had been in
his mind concerning the events of that time — he had
cast his vote for letting the men live — but it was not
fitting for any such law to be drawn up touching events
now past. This was Caesar's statement; Crassus
showed some favor to Cicero through his son but him-
self took the side of the multitude. Pompey kept prom-
ising the orator assistance, but by making various ex-
cuses at different times and arranging purposely many
journeys out of town failed to defend him.
Cicero seeing this was frightened and again under-
took to resort to arms, — among other things he did was
to abuse Pompey openly with insults — but was pre-
vented by Cato and Hortensius, for fear a civU war
might result. Then at last, against his will, with
shanie and the ill-repute of having gone into exile vol-
untarily, as if conscience-stricken, he departed. Be-
fore leaving he ascended the Capitol and dedicated a
little image of Minerva, whom he styled "protectress."
It was to Sicily that he secretely betook himself. He
had once been governor there, and entertained a lively
hope that he would be honored among its towns and
private citizens and by its rulers.
On his departure the law took effect; so far from
meeting with any opposition, it was supported, as soon
118
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
as he was once out of the way, by those very persons (^'^' ^^^^
(among others) who were thought to be the foremost
movers in Cicero's behalf. His property was confis-
cated, his house was razed to the ground, as though
it had been an enemy's, and its foundation was dedi-
cated for a temple of Liberty. Upon the orator himself
exile was imposed, and a continued stay in Sicily was
forbidden him : he was banished three thousand seven
hundred and fifty stadia^ from Rome, and it was fur-
Ither proclaimed that if he should ever appear within
those limits, both he and those who harbored him might
be killed with impunity.
He, accordingly, went over to Macedonia and was —is —
living in the depths of grief. But there met him a man
named Philiscus, who had made his acquaintance in
Athens and now by chance fell in with him again.
"Are you not ashamed, Cicero," said this person,
" to be weeping and behaving like a woman? Really,
I should never have expected that you, who have par-
taken of much education of every kind, who have acted
as advocate to many, would grow so faint-hearted."
"Ah," replied the other, " it's not the same thing,
PhUiscus, to speak for others as to advise one's own
self. The words spoken in others' behalf, proceeding
from a mind that stands erect, undeteriorated, have the
greatest possible effect. But when some affliction over-
whelms the spirit, it is made turbid and dark and can
not think out anything appropriate. Wherefore, I
1 Or five hundred miles, since Dio reckons a mile as equivalent to
seven and one-half instead of eight stades.
119
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^- ^' ^L. suppose, it has well been said that it is easier to counsel
(o. u. 696) ^^ '
others than one's self to be strong under suffering."
" Yours is a very human objection," rejoined Phil-
iscus. " I did not think, however, that you, who have
shown so much wisdom and have trained yourself in
so much learning, had failed to prepare yourself for all
human possibilities, so that if any unexpected accident
should happen to you, it would not find you unfortified.
Since, notwithstanding, you are in this plight, why I
might benefit you by rehearsing what is good for you.
Thus, just as men who put a hand to people's burdens
relieve them, so I might lighten this misfortune of
yours, and the more easily than they inasmuch as I
shall take upon myself the smallest share of it. You
will not deem it unworthy, I trust, to receive some en-
couragement from another. If you were sufficient for
your own self, we should have no need of these words.
As it is, you are in a like case to Hippocrates or Demo-
cedes or any other of the great physicians, if one of
them should fall a victim to a disease hard to cure and
should need another's hand to bring about his own
recovery."
_ jg _ " Indeed, ' ' said Cicero, " if you have any such train
of reasoning as will dispel this mist from my soul and
restore me to the light of old, I am most ready to listen.
For of words, as of drugs, there are many varieties
and diverse potencies, so that it will not be surprising
if you should be able to steep in some mixture of phi-
losophy even me, the shining light of senate, assembly,
and law-courts, ' '
120
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
" Come then," continued Philiscus, " since you are , b. c. 58
' ' ■' (o. u. 696)
ready to listen, let us consider first whether these con-
ditions that surround you are actually bad, and next
in what way we may cure them. First of all, now, I
see you are in good physical health and quite vigorous,
— a state which is by nature a blessing to mankind, —
and next that you have provisions in sufficiency so as
not to hunger or thirst or be cold or endure any other
unpleasant experience through lack of means, a second
circumstance which any one might naturally set down
as good for man's nature. For when one's physical
constitution is good and one can live along without
worry every accessory to happiness is enjoyed."
To this Cicero replied: " No, not one of such ac- _2o —
cessories is of use when some grief is preying upon
one's spirit. The reflections of the soul distress one far
more than bodUy comforts can cause delight. Even so
I at present set no value on my physical health because
I am suffering in mind, nor yet in the abundance of
necessaries; for the deprivations I have endured are
many. ' '
Said the other: "And does this grieve you? Now
if you were going to be in want of things needful, there
iwould be some reason for your being annoyed at your
loss. But since you have all the necessaries in full
measure, why do you harass yourself because you do '
not possess more? All that belongs to one beyond
one's needs is in excess and its nature is the same
whether present or absent, for you are aware that even
formerly you did not make use of what was not neces-
121
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. 0. 58 sary : hence suppose that at that time the things which
{a. u. 696) •' . , , T .1 . ii £
you did not need were non-existent or else that those oi
which you are not in want are now here. Most of them
were not yours by inheritance that you should be par-
ticularly exercised about them, but were furnished you
by your own tongue and by your words,— the same
causes that effected their loss. Accordingly, you should
not take it hard that just as things were acquired, so
they have been lost. Sea-captains are not greatly dis-
turbed when they suffer great reverses. They under-
stand, I think, how to look at it sensibly, — that the
sea which gives them wealth takes it away again.
— 21— " This is enough on one point. I think it should be
enough for a man's happiness to possess a sufiSciency
and to lack nothing that the body requires, and I hold
that everything in excess brings anxieties and trouble
and jealousies. But as for your saying there is no en-
joyment in physical blessings unless one have cor-
responding spiritual advantages, the statement is true :
it is impossible if the spirit is in poor condition that
the body should fail to partake of the sickness. How-
ever, I think it much easier for one to care for mental
than for physical vigor. The body, being of flesh, con-
tains many paradoxical possibilities and requires much
assistance from the higher power : the intellect, of a na-
ture more divine, can be easily trained and prompted.
Let us look to this, therefore, to discover what spiritual
blessing has abandoned you and what evil has come
upon you that you cannot shake off.
—22— " First, then, I see that you are a man of the great-
122
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
est intellectual gifts. The proof is that you nearly al- , ^- ^- ^s
ways persuaded both the senate and the people in cases
where you gave them any advice and helped private
citizens very greatly in eases where you acted as their
advocate. And second that you are a most just man.
Indeed you have contended everywhere for your coun-
try and for your friends and have arrayed yourself
against those who plotted against them. Yes, this very
misfortune which you have suffered has befallen you
for no other reason than that you continued to speak
and act in everything for the laws and for the govern-
ment. Again, that you have attained the highest de-
gree of temperance is shown by your very habits. It
is not possible for a man who is a slave to sensual
pleasures to appear constantly in public and to go to
and fro in the Forum, making his deeds by day wit-
nesses of those by night. And because this is so I
thought you were the bravest of men, enjoying, as you
did, so great strength of intellect, so great power in
speaking. But it seems that you, startled out of your-
self by having failed contrary to your hope and deserts,
have been drawn back a little from the goal of real
bravery. This loss, however, you will recover immedi-
ately, and as your circumstances are such, with a good
physical state and a good spiritual, I cannot see what
there is to distress you."
At the end of this speech of his Cicero rejoined: — —83 —
' ' There seems to you, then, to be no great evU in dis-
honor and exile and not living at home nor being with
your friends, but instead being expelled with violence
123
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 from your country, existing in a foreign land, and
(a. «. 696) •' . , •, » M
wandering about with the name oi exile, causing
laughter to your enemies and disgrace to your con-
nections. ' '
" Not a trace of evil, so far as I can see," declared
Philiseus. ' ' There are two elements of which we are
constituted, — soul and body, — and definite blessings
and evils are given to each of the two by Nature her-
self. Now if there should be any failure in these de-
tails, it might properly be considered hurtful and base,
but if all should be right it would be advantageous
rather. This, at the outset, is your condition. Those
things which you mentioned, cases of dishonor among
them, and everything else of the sort are disgraceful
and evil only through law and a kind of notion, and
work no injury to either body or soul. What body
could you cite that has fallen sick or perished and what
spirit that has grown wickeder or even more ignorant
through dishonor and exile and anything of that sort?
I see none. And the reason is that no one of these ac-
cidents is by nature evil, just as neither honorable posi- .
tion nor residence in one 's country is by nature excel-
lent, but whatever opinion each one of us holds about
them, such they seem to be. For instance, mankind
do not universally apply the term * dishonor ' to the
same conditions, but certain deeds which are reprehen-
sible in some regions are praised in others and various
actions honored by this people are punishable by that.
Some do not so much as know the name, nor the fact
which it implies. This is quite natural. For whatever
124
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
does not touch what belongs to man's nature is thought , b. c. 58
° ° (o. «. 696)
to have no bearing upon him. Just exactly as it would
be most ridiculous, surely, if some judgment or decree
were delivered that so-and-so is sick or so-and-so is
base, so does the case stand regarding dishonor.
' ' The same thing I find to be true in regard to exile. — 84 —
Living abroad is somehow in a way dishonorable, so
that if dishonor pure and simple contains no evil,
surely an evU reputation can not be attached to exile
either. You know at any rate that many live abroad
the longest possible time, some unwillingly and others
willingly ; and some even spend their whole life travel-
ing about, just as if they were expelled from every
place: and yet they do not regard themselves as being
injured in doing so. It makes no difference whether a
man does it voluntarily or not. The person who trains
unwillingly gets no less strong than he who is willing
about it, and the person who navigates unwillingly ob-
tains no less benefit than the other. And as for this
very element of unwillingness, I do not see how it can
encounter a man of sense. If the difference between
being well and badly off is that some things we readily
volunteer to do and others we are unwilling and grudge
to perform, the trouble can be easily mended. For if
we endure willingly all necessary things and show the
white feather before none of them, all those matters
in which one might assume unwillingness have been
abolished. There is, indeed, an old saying and a very
good one, to the effect that we ought not to think it
requisite for whatever we wish to come to pass, but to
wish for whatever does come to pass as the result of
125
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^- ^- ^L. any necessity. "We neither have free choice in our
(ffl. «. 696) •' •'
course of life nor is it on ourselves that we are depend-
ent ; but according as it may suit Fortune, and accord-
ing to the character of the Divinity granted each one
of us for the fulfillment of what is ordained, must we
— 25— also regard our life. Such is the nature of the case
whether we like it or not.
" If, now, it is not mere dishonor or mere exile that
troubles you, but the fact that not only without having
done your country any hurt, but after having benefited
her greatly you were dishonored and expelled, look at
it in this way, — that once it was destined for you to
have such an experience, it has been the noblest and the
best fortune that could befall you to be despitefully
used without having committed any wrong. You ad-
vised and performed all that was proper for the citi-
zens, not as individual but as consul, not meddling of-
ficiously in a private capacity but obeying the decree of
the senate, not as a party measure but for the best ends.
This or that other person, on the contrary, out of his
superior power and insolence had devised everything
against you, wherefore disasters and grief belong tohim
for his injustice, but for you it is noble as well as nec-
essary to bear bravely what the Divinity has deter-
mined. Surely you would not have preferred to cooper-
ate with Catiline and to conspire with Lentulus, to give
your country the exact opposite of advantageous coun-
sel, to discharge none of the duties laid upon you by it,
and thus to remain at home under a burden of wicked-
ness instead of displaying uprightness and being ex-
126
— 26-
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
iled. Accordingly, if you have any care for reputation, b. c. 58
it is far preferable for you to have been driven out,
guilty of no wrong, than to have remained at home by
executing some villainy; for, among other considera-
tions, shame attaches to the men who have unjustly cast
one forth, but not to the man who is wantonly expelled.
" Moreover, the story as I heard it was that you did
not depart unwillingly nor after conviction, but of your
own accord; that you hated to live with them, seeing
that you could not make them better and would not en-
dure to perish with them, and that you were exiled not
from your country but from those who were plotting
against her. Consequently they would be the ones dis-
honored and banished, having cast out all that is good
from their souls, but you would be honored and fortu-
nate, as being nobody's slave in unseemly fashion and
possessing all fitting qualities, whether you choose to
live in Sicily, in Macedonia, or anywhere else in the
world. Surely it is not localities that give either good
fortune or unhappiness of any sort, but each man
makes for himself both country and happiness always
and everywhere. This is what Camillus had in mind
when he was glad to dwell in Ardea; this is the way
Scipio reckoned when he lived his life out without
grieving in Liternum. What need is there to mention
Aristides or to cite Themistocles, men whom exile ren-
dered more esteemed, or Anni^ ... or Solon, who
of his own accord left home for ten years?
" Therefore do you likewise cease to consider irk-
iThe MS. is corrupt. Perhaps Hannibal is meant, perhaps Mneas.
127
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 gome any such thing as pertains neither to our physical
a. u. 696) •' ox- , , , 10
nor to our spiritual nature, and do not vex yourseli
at what has happened. For to us belongs no choice,
as I told you, of living as we please, but it is quite
requisite for us to endure what the Divinity determines.
If we do this voluntarily, we shall not be grieved: if
involuntarily, we shall not escape at all what is fated
and we shall lay upon ourselves besides the greatest
of ills, — distressing our hearts to no purpose. The
proof of it is that men who bear good-naturedly the
most outrageous fortunes do not regard themselves as
being in any very dreadful circumstances, while those
that are disturbed at the lightest disappointments feel
as if all human ills were theirs. And, among people in
general, some who handle fair conditions badly and
others who handle unfavorable conditions well make
their good or ill fortune appear even in the eyes of
others to be of precisely the same nature as they figure
— 27— it to themselves. Bear this in mind, then, and be not
cast down by your present state, nor grieve if you learn
that the men who exiled you are flourishing. In general
the successes of men are vain and ephemeral, and the
higher a man climbs as a result of them the more easily,
like a breath, does he fall, especially in partisan con-
flicts. Borne along in a tumultuous and unstable
medium they differ little, or rather not at all, from
ships in a storm, but are carried np and then down,
now hither, now yon; and if they make the slightest
error, they sink altogether. Not to mention Drusus or
Scipio or the Gracchi or some others, remember ho"w
128
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Camillus the exile later came off better than Capito- i^'^'qqq'.
linns, and remember how much Aristides subsequently
surpassed Themistocles.
' ' Do you, then, as well, entertain a strong hope that
you will be restored ; for you have not been expelled on
account of wrong doing, and the very ones who drove
you forth will, as I take it, seek for you, while all will
miss you. But if you continue in your present state, —28 —
give yourself no care about it, even so. For if you lean
to my way of thinking you will be quite satisfied to
pick out a little estate on the coast and there carry on
at the same time farming and some historical writing,
like Xenophon, like Thucydides. This form of learning
is most lasting and most adaptable to every man, every
government, and exile brings a leisure in some respects
more productive. If, then, you wish to become really
immortal, like those historians, imitate them. Neces-
sities you have in sufficiency and you lack no measure
of esteem. And, if there is any virtue in it, you have
been consul. Nothing more belongs to those who have
held office a second, a third, or a fourth time, except
an array of idle letters which benefit no man, living or
dead. Hence you would not choose to be Corvinus or
Marius, the seven times consul, rather than Cicero.
Nor, again, are you anxious for any position of com-
mand, seeing that you withdrew from one bestowed
upon you because you scorned the gains to be had from
it and scorned a brief authority that was subject to the
scrutiny of all who chose to practice sycophancy.
These matters I have mentioned not because any one
VOL. 2.-9 129
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 of |;iiem is requisite for happiness, but because, since
(O. M. 696) ^ . ,. ,
it was best, you have been engaged m pontics enough'
to learn from it the difference in lives and to choose
the one but reject the other, to pursue the one but
avoid the other.
' ' Our life is but short and you ought not to live all
of it for others, but by this time to grant a little to
yourself. Consider how much quiet is better than dis-
turbance and a placid life than tumults, freedom than
slavery, and safety than dangers, that you may feel a
desire to live as I am urging you to do. In this way
you will be happy, and your name because of it shall
be great,— yes, always, whether you are alive or dead.
— 39 _ "If, however, you are eager for a return and hold
in esteem a brilliant political career, — I do not wish to
say anything unpleasant, but I fear, as I cast my eyes
on the case and call to mind your freedom of speech,
and behold the power and numbers of your adversaries,
that you may meet defeat once again. If then you
should encounter exile, you can merely change your
mind, but if you should incur some fatal punishment
you will be unable to repent. Is it not assuredly a
dreadful, a disgraceful thing to have one 's head cut off
and set up in the Forum, if it so happen, for any one,
man or woman, to insult? Do not hate me as one fore-
boding evil to you : I but give you warning; be on your
guard. Do not let the fact that you have certain friends
among the influential men deceive you. You will get
no help against those hostilely disposed from the men
who seem to love you ; this you probably know by ex-
130
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
perienoe. Those wlio have a passion for domination ,^'^'^qq.
regard everything else as nothing in comparison with
obtaining what they desire: they often give up their
dearest friends and closest kin in exchange for their
bitterest foes."
On hearing this Cicero grew just a little easier in —30 —
mind. His exile did not, in fact, last long. He was
recalled by Pompey himself, who was most responsible
for his expulsion. The reason was this.
Clodius had taken a bribe to deliver Tigranes the
younger, who was even then still in confinement at
the abode of Lucius Flavius, and had let him go. He
outrageously insulted Pompey and Gabinius who had
been incensed at the proceeding, inflicted blows and
wounds upon their followers, broke to pieces the con-
sul's rods, and dedicated his property. Pompey, en-
raged by this and particularly because the authority
which he himself had restored to the tribunes Clodius
had used against him, was willing to recall Cicero, and
immediately began through the agency of Ninnius to
negotiate for his return.
The latter watched for Clodius to be absent and then
introduced in the senate the motion in Cicero's behalf.
iWhen another one of the tribunes opposed him, he
not only went into the matter at some length, intimat-
ing that he should communicate it also to the people,
but he furthermore opposed Clodius once for all at
every point. From this ensued disputes and many
consequent woundings on both sides. But before mat-
ters reached that point Clodius felt anxious to get Cato
131
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 out of the way so that he might the more easily be suo-
(o. M. 696) •' ^ -,/,.,.
cessful in the busmess he had m hand, and likewise
to take measures against Ptolemy who then held Cy-
prus, because the latter had failed to ransom him from
the pirates. Hence he made the island public property
and despatched Cato, very loath, to attend to its
administration.
— 31 — WhUe this went on in the city, Caesar found no hos-
tility in Gaul: everything was absolutely quiet. The
state of peace, however, did not continue, but to one
war which at first arose against him another was
added, so that his greatest wish was fulfilled of making
war against and setting right everything at once.
The Helvetians, who abounded in numbers and had
not land sufficient for their populous condition, refused
to send out a part to form a colony for fear that sepa-
rated they might be more subject to plots on the part of
the tribes whom they had once injured. They decided
all to leave their homes, with the intention of trans-
ferring their dwelling-place to some other larger and
better country, and burned all their villages and cities
so as to prevent any one's regretting the migration.
After adding to their numbers some others who wanted
the same changes, they started off with Orgetorix as
leader, — their intention being to cross the Rhone and
settle somewhere near the Alps.
When Caesar severed the bridge and made other
preparations to hinder them from crossing, they sent
to him to ask a right of way and promised in addition
to do no harm to Roman territory. And though he had
132
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
tlie greatest distrust of them and had not the slightest B- ^- ^L^
idea of allowing them to proceed, yet, because he was
still poorly equipped he answered that he wished to
consult his lieutenants about their requests and would
give them their reply on a stated day. In fact he of-
fered some little hope of his granting them the passage.
Meanwhile he dug ditches and erected walls in com-
manding positions, so that their road was mad©
impassable.
Accordingly the barbarians waited a little time, and — 32 —
then, when they heard nothing as agreed, they broke
camp and proceeded through the AUobroges's country,
as they had started. Encountering the obstacles they
turned aside into Sequanian territory and passed
through their land and that of the uiEdui, who gave
them a free passage on condition that they do no harm.
Not abiding by their covenant, however, they plundered
the ^duans' country. Then the Sequani and ^dui
sent to Caesar to ask assistance, and begged him not to
let them perish.
Though their statements did not correspond with
their deeds, they nevertheless obtained what they re-
quested. Caesar was afraid the Helvetians might turn
also against Tolosa and chose to drive them back
with the help of the other tribes rather than to fight
them after they had effected a reconciliation, — which,
it was clear, would otherwise be the issue. For these
reasons he feU upon the Helvetians as they were cross-
ing the Arar, annihilated in the very passage the last
of the procession and alarmed those that had gone
133
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
/ ^- ^' ^L. ahead so much by the suddenness and swiftness of the
(a. u. 696) •'
pursuit and the report of their loss^ that they desired
— ^^— to come to some agreement guaranteeing land. They
did not, however, reach any terms ; for when they were
asked for hostages they became offended, not because
they were distrusted but because they disliked to give
hostages to any one. So they disdained a truce and
went forward again.
Caesar's cavalry had galloped far ahead of the in-
fantry and was harassing, incidentally, their rear
guards, when they faced about with their horse and
conquered it. As a result they were filled with pride,
and thinking that he had fled, both because of the de-
feat and because owing to a lack of provisions he was
turning aside to a city that was off the road, they
abandoned further progress to pursue after htm.
Caesar saw this, and fearing their impetus and numbers
hurried with his infantry to some higher ground but
sent forward his horsemen to engage the enemy till he
should have marshaled his forces in a suitable place.
The barbarians routed them a second time and were
making a spirited rush up the hill when Caesar with
forces drawn up dashed down upon them suddenly
from his commanding position and without difficidty
repulsed them, while they were scattered. After these
had been routed some others who had not joined in the
conflict — and owing to their multitude and eagerness
not all had been there at once — took the pursuers in
the rear and threw them into some confusion, but ef-
fected nothing further. For Caesar after assigning
134
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the fugitives to the care of his cavalry himself with , b. c. 58
° •' {a. u. 696)
his heavy-armed force turned his attention to the
others. He was victorious and followed to the wagons
both bodies, mingled in their flight ; and there, though
from these vehicles they made a vigorous defence, he
vanquished them. After this reverse the barbarians
were divided into two parties. The one came to terms
with him, went back again to their native land whence
they had set out, and there built up again the cities to
live in. The other refused to surrender arms, and,
with the idea that they could get back again to their
primeval dwelling-place, set out for the Rhine. Being
few in numbers and laboring under a defeat they were
easily annihilated by the allies of the Eomans through
whose country they were passing.
So went the first war that Csesar fought; but he did —34 —
not remain quiet after this beginning. Instead, he at
the same time satisfied his own desire and did his
allies a favor. The Sequani and ^dui had marked
the trend of his wishes* and had noticed that his deeds
corresponded with his hopes : consequently they were
willing at one stroke to bestow a benefit upon him and
to take vengeance upon the Celts that were their neigh-
bors. The latter had at some time in the past crossed
the Khine, cut off portions of their territory, and, hold-
ing hostages of theirs, had rendered them tributaries.
And because they happened to be asking what Csesar
was yearning for, they easily persuaded him to assist
them.
1 Beading imOuficav (with Boissevain).
135
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 Now Ariovistus was the ruler of those Celts : his do-
minion had been ratified by action of the Eomans and
he had been registered among their friends and allies
by Caesar himself, in his consulship. In comparison,
however, with the glory to be derived from the war and
the power which that glory would bring, the Roman
general heeded none of these considerations, except in
so far as he wished to get some excuse for the quarrel
from the barbarian so that it should not be thought
that there was any grievance against him at the start.
Therefore he sent for him, pretending that he wanted
to hold some conversation with him. Ariovistus, in-
stead of obeying, replied: " If Caesar wishes to tell
me anything, let him come himself to me. I am not
in any way inferior to him, and a man who has need of
any one must always go to that person." At this the
other showed anger on the ground that he had insulted
all the Romans, and he immediately demanded of him
the hostages of the allies and forbade him either to set
foot on their land or to bring against them any auxili-
ary force from home. This he did not with the idea of
scaring him but because he hoped to make him furious
and by that means to gain a great and fitting pretext
for the war. What was expected took place. The bar-
barian, enraged at the injunctions, made a long and
outrageous reply, so that Caesar no longer bandied
words with him but straightway, before £iny one was
aware of his intentions, seized on Vesontio, the city
of the Sequani, in advance.
—35— Meanwhile reports reached the soldiers. "Ariovis-
136
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
tus is making vigorous preparations," was o^^- ,^' ^' qqq)
' ' There are many other Celts, some of whom have al-
ready crossed the Rhine undoubtedly to assist him,
while others have collected on the very bank of the
river to attack us suddenly," was another. Hence
they fell into deep dejection. Alarmed by the stature
of their enemies, by their numbers, their boldness, and
consequent ready threats, they were iu such a mood
as to feel that they were going to contend not against
men, but against uncanny and ferocious beasts. And
the talk was that they were undertaking a war which
was none of their business and had not been decreed,
merely on account of Caesar's personal ambition; and
they threatened, also, to leave him in the lurch if he
should not change his course. He, when he heard of it,
did not make any address to the body of soldiers. It
was not a good plan, he thought, to discuss such mat-
ters before the multitude, especially when his words
would reach the enemy; and he was afraid that they
might by refusing obedience somehow raise a tumult
and do some harm. Therefore he assembled his lieu-
tenants and the subalterns, before whom he spoke as
follows.
" My friends, we must not, I think, deliberate about —36 —
public interests in the same way as about private. In
fact, I do not see that the same mark is set up for each
man privately as for all together publicly. For our-
selves it is proper both to plan and to perform what
looks best and what is safest, but for the public what
is most advantageous. In private matters we must bei
137
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 energetic : so only can a good appearance be preserved.
Again, a man who is freest from outside entanglements
is thought to be also safest. Yet a state, especially if
holding sovereignty, would be very rapidly overthrown
by such a course. These laws, not drawn up by man
but enacted by nature herself, always did exist, do ex-
ist, and will exist so long as the race of mortals
endures.
' ' This being so, no one of you at this juncture should
have an eye to what is privately pleasant and safe
rather than to what is suitable and beneficial for the
whole body of Romans. For besides many other con-
siderations that might naturally arise, reflect that we
who are so many and of such rank (members of the
senate and knights) have come here accompanied by a
great mass of soldiers and with money in abundance
not to be idle or careless, but for the purpose of man-
aging rightly the affairs of our subjects, preserving in
safety the property of those bound by treaty, repelling
any who undertake to do them wrong, and increasing
our own possessions. If we have not come with this
in mind, why in the world did we take the field at all
instead of staying at home with some occupation or
other and on our private domains? Surely it were
better not to have undertaken the campaign than when
assigned to it to throw it over. If, however, some of
us are here because compelled by the laws to do what
our country ordains, and the greater number volun-
tarily on account of the honors and rewards that come
from wars, how could we either decently or without sin
138
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
be false at once to the hopes of the men that sent us , b. c. 58
■^ (a. u. 690)
forth and to our own? Not one person could grow so
prosperous as a private citizen as not to be ruined
with the commonwealth, if it fell. But if the republic
succeeds, it lifts all fortunes and each one individually.
" I am not saying this with reference to you, my _37_
comrades and friends who are here: you are not in
general ignorant of the facts, that you should need to
learn them, nor do you assume an attitude of contempt
toward them, that you should require exhortation. I
am saying it because I have ascertained that there are
some of the soldiers who themselves are talking to thei
effect that the war we have taken up is none of our
business, and are stirring up the rest to sedition. My
purpose is that you yourselves may as a result of my
words show a more ardent zeal for your country and
teach them all they should know. They would be apt
to receive greater benefit in hearing it from you pri-
vately and often than in learning it but once from my
lips. Tell them, then, that it was not by staying at
home or shirking campaigns or avoiding wars or pur-
suing idleness that our ancestors made the State so
great, but it was by bringing their minds to venture
readily everything that they ought and by working
eagerly to the bitter end with bodily labor for every-
thing that pleased them, by regarding their own things
as belonging to others but acquiring readily the pos-
sessions of their neighbors as their own, while they
saw happiness in nothing else than in doing what was
required of them and held nothing else to be ill fortune
139
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 than restine inactive. Accordingly, as a result of this
policy those men, who had been at the start very tew
and possessed at first a city than which none was more
diminutive, conquered the Latins, conquered the Sa-
bines, mastered the Etruscans, Volsci, Opici, Leu-
canians and Samnites, in one word subjugated the
whole land bounded by the Alps and repulsed all the
alien tribes that came against them.
— 38— " The later Romans, likewise, and our own fathers
imitated them, not being satisfied with their temporary
fortune nor content with what they had inherited, and
they regarded sloth as their sure destruction but exer-
tion as their certain safety. They feared that if their
treasures remained unaugmented they would be con-
sumed and worn away by age, and were ashamed af-
ter receiving so rich a heritage to make no further ad-
ditions : thus they performed greater and more numer-
ous exploits.
"Why should one name individually Sardinia, Sicily,
Macedonia, lUyricum, Greece, Ionic Asia, the Bithyni-
ans, Spaniards, Africans ? I tell you the Carthaginians
would have given them plenty of money to stop sailing
against that city, and so would Philip and Perseus to
stop making campaigns against them ; Antiochus would
have given much, his children and descendants would
have given much to let them remain on European soil.
But those men in view of the glory and the greatness
of the empire did not choose to be ignobly idle or to
enjoy their wealth in confidence, nor did the elders of
our own generation who even now are still alive.
140
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
They knew well that the same practices as acquire good ^- ^- ^^
^ ° (a. u. 696)
things serve also to preserve them: hence they made
sure many of their original belongings and acquired
many new ones. What need is there here to catalogue
in detail Crete, Pontus, Cyprus, Asiatic Iberia, Farther
Albania, both Syrian nations, each of the two Armenias,
the Arabians, the Palestinians ? We did not even know
their names accurately in the old days : yet now we lord
it over some ourselves and others we have bestowed,
upon various persons, insomuch that we have gained
from them income and powers and honors and
alliances.
" With such examples before you, then, do not bring _ 39 _
shame upon our fathers ' deeds nor let slip that empire
which is now the greatest. We cannot deliberate in
like manner with the rest of mankind who possess no
similar advantages. For them it suffices to live in ease
and, with safety guaranteed, to be subservient to oth-
ers, but for us it is inevitable to toil and march and
amid dangers to preserve our existing prosperity.
Against this prosperity many are plotting. Every ob-
ject which surpasses others attracts both emulation
and jealousy ; and consequently an eternal war is waged
by all inferiors against those who excel them in any
respect. Hence we either ought not from the first to
have increased, thus differing from other men, or else,
since we have grown so great and have gained so many
possessions, it has been fated that we should either
rule these firmly or ourselves perish utterly. For it
is impossible for men who have advanced to so great
141
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 reputation and such vast power to live apart and with-
out danger. Let us therefore obey Fortune and not
repel her, seeing that she voluntarily and self-invited
belonged to our fathers and now abides with us. This
result will not be reached if we cast away our arms
and desert the ranks and sit idly at home or wander
among our allies. It will be reached if we keep our
arms constantly in hand — this is the only way to pre-
serve peace — and practice warlike deeds in the midst
of dangers — this is the only way we shall avoid fight-
ing forever — and aid promptly those allies that ask us
— in this way we shall get more — and do not indulge
those enemies who are always turbulent — in this way
no one will any longer care to wrong us.
_ 40 — " For if some god had actually become our sponsor
that, even if we should fail to do this, no one would
plot against us and we should forever enjoy in safety
all that we have won, it would still be disgraceful to
say that we ought to keep quiet; yet those who are will-
ing to do nothing that is requisite would have some
show of excuse. But, as a fact, it is inevitable that
men who possess anything should be plotted against
by many, and it behooves us to anticipate their attacks.
One class that holds quietly to its own possessions in-
curs danger even for these, while another without any
compulsion employs war to acquire the possessions of
others and keeps them. No one who is in terror re-
garding his own goods longs for those of his neighbors ;
for the fear concerning what he already has ejff ectually
deters him from meddling in what does not belong to
142
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
him. Why then does any man say such a thing as this, b. c. 58
— that we must not all the time be gaining something
more!
* ' Do you not recall, partly from hearsay and partly
from observation, that none of the Italian races re-
frained from plotting against our country until our
ancestors brought war into their territories, nor did thei
Epirots until they crossed over into Greece? Philip
did not refrain, but intended to make a campaign
against Italy until they wrought harm to his land in
advance. Nor was there hesitation on the part of
Perseus, of Antiochus, of Mithridates, until they were
subjected to the same treatment. And why must one
mention the remaining cases ? For a while the Cartha-
ginians suffered no damage at our hands in Africa, and
crossed into Italy, where they overran the country,
sacked the towns and almost captured the City itself;
but when war began to be made against them they de-
camped altogether from our land. One might instance
this same course of events in regard to the Gauls and
Celts. For these people while we remained on this
side of the Alps often crossed them and ravaged a large
part of Italy. But when we ventured at last to make a
campaign beyond the mountains and to surround them
with war, and actually detached a portion of their ter-
ritory, we never again saw any war begun by them in
Italy except once. When, accordingly, in the face of
these facts anybody says that we ought not to make
war he simply says that we ought not to be rich, ought
not to rule others, ought not to be free, to be Eomans.
Just as you would not endure it if a man should say
143
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 any of these thinffs, but would kill him even as lie stood
(o. «. 696) ■' ' -, 1 Ti
before you, so now also, my comrades, assume a like
attitude toward those who utter the other form of state-
ment, judging their disposition not by their words but
by their acts.
— 41— " Now no one of you would contend, I think, that
these are not the right kind of ideas to entertain. If,
however, any one thinks that the fact of no investiga-
tion having been made about this war before the senate
and of no vote having been passed in presence of the
assembly is a reason why we need be less eager, let him
reflect that of all the wars which have ever fallen to
our lot some, to be sure, have come about as a result
of preparation and previous announcement, but others
equally on the spur of the moment. For this reason all
uprisings that are made while we are staying at home
and keeping quiet and in which the beginning of the
complaints arises from some embassy both need and
demand an enquiry into their nature and the introduc-
tion of a vote, after which the consuls and praetors
must be assigned to them and the forces sent out : but
all that come to light after persons have already gone
forth and taken the field are no longer to be brought
up for decision, but to be taken hold of in advance, be-
fore they increase, as matters decreed and ratified by
Necessity herself.
" Else for what reason did the people despatch you
to this point, for what reason did they send me imme-
diately after my consulship? Why did they, on the one
hand, elect me to hold command for five years at one
time, as had never been done before, and on the other
144
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
hand equip me with four legions, unless they believed b. c. m
that we should certainly be required to fight, besides!
Surely it was not that we might be supported in idle-
ness, or traveling about to allied cities and subject
territory prove a worse bane to them than an enemy.
Not a man would make this assertion. It was rather
that we might keep our own land, ravage that of the
enemy, and accomplish something worthy both of our
numbers and our expenditures. Therefore with this
understanding both this war and every other whatso-
ever has been entrusted, has been delivered to us. They
acted very sensibly in leaving in our hands the decision
as to whom we should fight against, instead of voting
for the war themselves. For they would not have been
able to understand thoroughly the affairs of our allies,
being at such a distance from them, and would not
have taken measures against known and prepared
enemies at an equally fitting moment. So we, to whom
is left at once the decision and the execution of the war,
by turning our weapons immediately against foes that
are actually in the field shall not be acting in an un-
authorized or unjust or incautious manner.
" But suppose some one of you interrupts me with —42 —
the following objection: * What has Ariovistus done
so far out of the way as to become an enemy of ours in
place of a friend and ally? ' Let any such man con-
sider the fact that one has to defend one's self against
those who are undertaking to do any wrong not only
on the basis of what they do, but also on the basis of
what they intend, and has to check their growth in
advance, before suffering some hurt, instead of wait-
ing to have some real injury inflicted and then taking
VOL. 2.— 10 145
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 venareance. Now how could he better be proven to be
(a. u. 696) ° , « 1 . 1
hostile, yes, most hostile toward us than irom what he
has done? I sent to him in a friendly way to have him
come to me and deliberate in my company about pres-
ent conditions, and he neither came nor promised that
he would appear. And yet what did I do that was un-
fair or unfitting or arrogant in summoning him as a
friend and ally? What insolence and wantonness,
rather, has he omitted in refusing to come? Is it not
inevitable that he did this from one of two reasons,
either that he suspected he should suffer some harm
or that he felt contempt for me ? Well, if he had any
suspicions he convicted himself most clearly of con-
spiring against us. For no one that has not endured
any injury is suspicious toward us nor does one be-
come so as a result of an upright and guileless mind :
no, it is those who have prepared to wrong others that
are ready to be suspicious of them because of their own
conscience. If, again, nothing of this sort was at the
bottom of his action, but he merely looked down on us
and insulted us with overweening words, what must we
expect him to do when he lays hold of somerealproject?
For when a man has shown such disdain in matters
where he was not going to gain anything, how has he
not been convicted of entire injustice in intention and
in performance?
" Still, he was not satisfied with this, but further
bade me come to him, if I wanted anything of him.
Do not, I beg of you, regard this addition as slight.
It is really a good indication of his disposition. That
he should have refused to visit me a person speaking
146
— 43-
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
in his defence might refer to shriakiag and sickness , b. c. 58
° ° (a. u. 696)
and fear. But that he should send a summons to me
admits of no excuse, and furthermore proves him to
have acted from no other impulse than a readiness to
yield me obedience in no point and a determination to
impose correspondiag demands in every case. With
how much insolence and abuse does this very course
of his teem ! The proconsul of the Eomans summons
a man and the latter does not come : then one of the Al-
lobroges [sic] summons the proconsul of the Eomans.
Do not t^iink this a small matter and of little moment
in that it was I, Caesar, whom he failed to obey, or be-
cause he called me Caesar. It was not I that summoned
him, but the Roman, the proconsul, the rods, the dig-
nity, the legions : it was not I that was summoned by
him, but all of these. Privately I have no dealings with
him, but in common we have all spoken and acted, re-
ceived his retort and suffered.
" Therefore the more that anybody asserts that he
has been registered among our friends and among our
allies, the more he will prove him to deserve our hatred.
Why? Because acts such as not even any of our ad-
mittedly bitterest foes has ever ventured to perform
have been committed by Ariovistus under the titles of
friendship and of alliance; it looks as though he had
secured them for the very purpose of having a chance
to wrong us with impunity. On the other hand, our
former treaty with him was not made with the idea of
being insulted and plotted against, nor will it now be
we who break the truce. For we sent envoys to him
147
— 44 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. 0. 58 as to one who was still a friend and ally, but he — well,
(o. M. 696)
you see how he has used us. Accordingly, just as when
he chose to benefit us and desired to be well treated in
return he justly obtained his wishes, so now, too, when
he does the opposite of that in everything, with
thorough justice would he be held in the position of a
foe. Do not be surprised that whereas once upon a
time I myself did some little business in his behalf
both in the senate and before the people I now speak
in this way. So far as I am concerned my sentiments
are the same now as then: I am not changing front.
And what are they? To honor and reward the good
and faithful, but to dishonor and punish the evU and
unfaithful. It is he that is changing front, in that he
makes an unfair and improper use of the privileges
bestowed by us.
_45_ "As to its being most just, then, for us to fight
against him no one, I think, wUl have any contention to
make. And that he is neither invincible nor even a dif-
ficult adversary you can see from the other members
of his race whom you have often conquered before and
have recently conquered very easily, and you can cal-
culate further from what we learn about the man him-
self. For in general he has no native force that is
united and welded together, and at present, since he is
expecting no reverse, he utterly lacks preparation.
Again, not one of his countrymen would readily aid
him, not even if he makes most tempting offers. Who
would choose to be his ally and fight against us before
receiving any injury at our hands? Is it not rather
likely that all would cooperate with us, instead of
148
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
with him, — from a desire to overthrow his principality, b. c. 58
which joins theirs, and obtain from us some share of
his territory?
' ' Even if some should band together, they would not
prove at all superior to us. For, to omit the rest, —
our numbers, our age, our experience, our deeds, —
who is there ignorant of the fact that we have armor
over all our body alike, whereas they are for the most
part naked, and that we employ both plan and arrange-
ment, whereas they, unorganized, rush at everything
in a rage. Be sure not to dread their charge nor the
greatness of either their bodies or their shout. For
voice never yet killed any man, and their bodies, hav-
ing the same hands as we, can accomplish no more, but
will be capable of much greater damage through being
both big and naked. And though their charge is tre-
mendous and headlong at first, it is easily exhausted
and lasts but a short time. To you who have doubtless _ 4e —
experienced what I mention and have conquered men
like them I make these suggestions so that you need not
appear to have been influenced by my talk and may
really feel a most steadfast hope of victory as a result
of what has already been accomplished. However, a
great many of the very Gauls who are like them will
be our allies, so that even if these nations did have any-
thing terrible about them, it will belong to us as well
as to the others.
" Do you, then, look at matters in this way and in-
struct the rest. I might as weU tell you that even if
some of you do hold opposite views, I, for my part,
will fight just as I am and will never abandon the posi-
149
■47 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B c. 5S tion to which I was assigned by my country. The tenth
legion will be enough for me. I am sure that they,
even if there should be need of going through fire,
would readily go through it naked. The rest of you
be off the quicker the better and cease consuming sup-
plies here to no purpose, recklessly spending the public
money, laying claim to other men's labors, and ap-
propriating the plunder gathered by others."
At the end of this speech of Caesar's not only did no
one raise an objection, even if some thought altogether
the opposite, but they all approved his words, es-
pecially those who were suspected by him of spreading
the talk they had heard mentioned. The soldiers they
had no difficulty in persuading to yield obedience : some
had of their own free will previously decided to do so
and the rest were led to that course through emulation
ot them. He had made an exception of the tenth legion
because for some reason he always felt kindly toward
it. This was the way the government troops were
named, according to the arrangement of the lists;
whence those of the present day have similar titles.
When they had been thus united, Caesar, for fear that
by delay they might again become indifferent, no longer
remained stationary, but immediately set out and
pressed forward against Ariovistus. By the sudden-
ness of his approach he so alarmed the latter that he
forced him to hold a conference with him regarding
peace. They did not come to terms, however, since
Caesar wished to impose all commands and Ariovistus
refused to obey at all.
War consequently broke forth ; and not only were the
150
DIO'S ROMAN HISrORY
two chief parties interested on the alert, but so were b. c. 58
also all the allies and enemies of both sides in that
region ; for they felt sure that the battle between them
would take place in the shortest possible time and that
they themselves should have to serve in every way
those who once conquered. The barbarians had the
superiority in numbers and in size of bodies, but the
Eomans in experience and armor. To some extent also
Caesar's skill in planning was found to counterbalance
the fiery spirit of the Celts and their disorderly, head-
long charge. As a result, then, of their being evenly
matched, their hopes and consequent zeal were in per-
fect equipoise.
While they were encamped opposite each other the —48
women on the barbarian side after divination forbade
the men to engage in any battle before the new moon.
For this reason Ariovistus, who already paid great
heed to them whenever they took any such action, did
not join in conflict with his entire force immediately,
although the Eomans were challenging him to come out.
Instead, he sent out the cavalry together with the foot
soldiers assigned to them and did the other side severe
injury. Scornfully elated by his success he undertook
to occupy a position beyond the line of their trench.
Of this he held possession, while his opponents occu-
pied in turn another. Then, although Caesar kept his
army drawn up outside until afternoon, he would not
proceed to battle, but when his foe toward evening re-
tired he suddenly came after them and all but captured
their palisade. Since his affairs progressed so well
151
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 58 lie recked little any longer of the women, and on the
following day when, according to their daily custom,
the Romans were marshaled, he led out his forces
against them.
— 49— The Romans, seeing them advancing from their
quarters, did not remain motionless, hut made a for-
ward dash which gave their opponents no chance to get
carefully ordered, and by attacking with a charge and
shout intercepted their javelins in which they had es-
pecial confidence. In fact, they got into such close
quarters with them that the enemy could not employ
their pikes or long swords. So the latter used their
bodies in shoving oftener than weapons in fighting
and struggled to overturn whoever they encountered
and to knock down whoever withstood them. Many
deprived even of the use of the short swords fought
with hands and mouths instead, dragging down their
adversaries, biting, tearing, since they far surpassed
them in the size of their bodies. The Romans, however,
did not suffer any great bodily injuries in conse-
quence: they closed with their foes and by their armor
and skill somehow proved a match. Finally, after car-
rying on that sort of battle for a very long time, late
in the day they prevailed. For their daggers, which
were smaller than those of the Gauls and had steel
blades, proved very useful to them : moreover, the men
themselves, constrained thereto by the very labor,
lasted better than the barbarians because the endurance
of the latter was not of like quality with the vehemence
of their attacks. The G-auls for these reasons were
defeated: they were not routed, merely because they
152
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
■were unable, tkrougli confusion and feebleness, to.flee, b. c. 68
, . , , , (a. u. 696)
and not because tney lacked the wisb. Three hundred
therefore, more or less, gathered in a body, opposed
their shields on all sides of them and standing up-
right, apart from the press, proved hard to move by
reason of their solidity: so that they neither accom-
plished aught nor suffered aught.
The Romans, when their warriors neither advanced —50 —
against them nor fled but stood quietly in the same spot
as if on towers, likewise laid aside first of all their
short spears which could not be used : and as they could
not with their swords fight in close combat nor reach
the others ' heads, where alone the latter, fighting with
them exposed, were vulnerable, they threw down their
shields and made an attack. Some by a long run and
others from close at hand leaped upon^ the foes in some
way and struck them. At this many f eU immediately,
beneath a single blow, and many did not fall till after
they were dead. They were kept upright even when
dead by the closeness of their formation. In this way
most of the infantry perished either there or near the
wagons, according to how far they were pushed out of
line toward them, with wives and children. Ariovistus
with fifty horsemen straightway left the country and
started for the Ehine. He was pursued, but not over-
taken, and escaped on a boat ahead of his followers.
Of the rest the Romany entered the river to kill some,
and others the chief himself took up and brought away.
1 Reading IvyjXXovro, proposed in Mnemosyne N.S. X, p. 196, by
Cobet, who compares Ctesar's Gallic War I, 52, 5; and adopted by
Boissevain.
153
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
39
155
The following is contained in the Thirty-ninth of Dio'a Rome.
How Caesar fought the Belgse (chapters 1-5).
How Cicero came back from exile (chapters 6-11).
How Ptolemy, expelled from Egypt, sought refuge in
Home (chapters 13-16).
How Cato settled matters in Cyprus (chapters 17-23).
How Pompey and Crassus were chosen consuls (chapters
24-37).
How Pompey's Theatre was dedicated (chapters 38, 39).
How Decimus Brutus, Csesar's lieutenant, conquered the
Veneti in a sea-fight (chapters 40-43).
How Publius Crassus, Csesar's lieutenant, fought the
Aquitani (chapters 44-46).
How Cffisar after fighting with some of the Celtse crossed
the Ehine: and about the Ehine (chapters 47-49).
How Caesar crossed over into Britain: and about the
island (chapters 50-54).
How Ptolemy was restored to Egypt by Gabinius, and
how Gabinius was brought to trial for it (chapters 55-65).
Duration of time, four years, in which there were the following
magistrates, here enumer&ted.
P. Cornelius P. f. Lentulus Spinther, C. Caecilius C. f.
Metellus ISTepos. (B. C. 57 = a. u. 697.)
Cn. Cornelius P. f. Lentulus Marcellinus, L. Marcius
L. F. Philippus. (B. C. 56 = a- u. 698.)
Cn. Pompeius Cn. f. Magnus (II), M. Licinius P. f.
Crassus (II). (B. C. 55 = a. u. 699.)
L. Domitius Cn. f. Ahenobarbus, Appius Claudius Appi
F. Pulcher. (B. C. 54 = a. u. 700.)
156
(BOOK 39, BOISSEVAIN.)
Such was the end of these wars. After this, when ^i~
the winter had passed in which Cornelius Spinther and (a.'u.'697)
Metellus Nepos began their consulship, a third war
burst upon them. The Belgse, dwelling near the Ehine
with many mingled tribes and extending to the ocean
opposite Britain, had been during the previous epoch
at peace with the Romans so far as concerned a part
of their nation, while the rest paid no heed to them:
but now, noting Caesar's prosperity and fearing that
he might advance against them, they made a change of
front and by common agreement (except on the part
of the Eemi) took counsel against the Eomans and con-
spired, making Galba their head.
Caesar learned this from the Remi and was on his
guard against them : subsequently he encamped at the
river Axona, collected his soldiers all together and ex-
ercised them. He did not venture to come into close
quarters with the enemy, though they were overrun-
ning Eoman territory, until they felt contempt for him,
thinking bim afraid, and undertook to destroy the
bridge and put a stop to the conveyance of grain, which
the allies brought across it. He was made aware be-
forehand by deserters that this was to be done, and
by night sent against the foe the light-armed troops
and the cavalry. So they, unexpectedly assaulting the — a —
barbarians, killed many of them, so that the following
night they all withdrew thence to their own land, es-
pecially since the .^duans were reported to have in-
157
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 57 vaded it. Caesar perceived what was going on, but
{a. u. 697) <-. >j /
througli ignorance of tlie country did not dare to pur-
sue them immediately. At daybreak, however, he took
the cavalry, bade the infantry follow behind, and came
up with the fugitives. They proceeded to give battle,
for he was thought to have come with his cavalry alone,
and he delayed them until the infantry arrived. In
this way he surrounded them with his whole force, cut
down the majority, and made terms with the survivors.
Later he brought into allegiance some of the peoples
without fighting and some by war.
— 3 — The Nervii voluntarily retired before him from their
plain country, — for they were not a match for his
forces, — but betook themselves into the wooded parts
of the mountains, and then, when they saw him settled
in camp,^ they came charging down unexpectedly. Op-
posite Caesar himself they soon turned to flight, but got
the better of the major part of his army, capturing
the camp without striking a blow. When Caesar be-
came aware of this, — he had advanced a little way in
pursuit of those he had routed, — he turned back and
came upon them engaged in pillage within the fortifica-
tion, where he ensnared and slaughtered them. After
accomplishing this he found no difiSculty in subduing
the rest of the Nervii.
'—4— Meanwhile the Aduatuci, near neighbors of theirs,
sprung from the Cimbri and possessing their spirit,
started out as if to assist them but were overpowered
before they effected anything, whereupon they with-
drew, and leaving all their other sites established
1 Two words to fill a gap are suggested by Bekker.
158
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
thiemselves in one fort, the strongest. Caesar assaulted , B- C- ^7
(o. «• 69/ )
it but was for many days repulsed, until lie turned to
the making of engines. Then for a time they gazed at
the Romans cutting wood and constructing the ma-
chines and through their inexperience laughed at what
was taking place. But when the things were finished
and heavy-armed soldiers upon them approached from
all sides, they were panic-stricken because never be-
fore had they seen such an affair ; so they sent the her-
alds for peace, supplied the soldiers with provisions,
and threw some of their weapons from the wall. When,
however, they saw the machines stripped of men again,
and noticed the latter, as after a victory, following
their own hearts' desires, they changed their minds
and recovering courage made a sally by night to cut
them down unawares. But Caa^r was carefully man-
aging everything every moment, and when they fell on
the outposts from every side they were beaten back.
Not one of the survivors could any longer obtain par-
don, and they were all sold.
When these had been subjugated and others, too, — 5 —
some by him and many by his lieutenants, winter set in
and he retired to winter-quarters. The Eomans at
home heard of this and were astonished that he had
seized so many nations, whose names they had known
but imperfectly before, and voted a sacrifice of fifteen
days for his deeds, — something that had never before
occurred.
During the same period Servius Galba, acting as his
lieutenajit, had, while the season lasted and the army
remained a unit, brought to terms the Varagri, dwell-
ing beside Lake Lemannus and beside the AUobroges
159
— 6 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 57 as far as the Alps : some he had mastered by force and
others by capitulatioiij so that he was even preparing
to winter where he was. When, however, the majority
of the soldiers had departed, some on furloughs be-
cause they were not far from Italy, and others else-
where to their own possessions, the natives took ad-
vantage of this fact and unexpectedly attacked him.
Then he was led by despair to a kind of frenzy and sud-
denly dashing out of the winter camp astounded those
attacking him by the strangeness of the move and pass-
ing through them gained the heights. On reaching
safety he fought them off and later enslaved them: he
did not winter there, however, but transferred his
quarters to the Allobroges.
These were the events in Gaul. Pompey meanwhile
had brought about a vote for the recall of Cicero. The
man that he had expelled through the agency of Clodius
he now brought back to help him against that very per-
son. So prone is human nature to change and in such
wise do persons select in turn the very opposite things
as likely to cause them benefit or injury. His helpers
among the praetors and tribunes were Titus Annius
Milo and the rest, who brought the proposition before
the populace. Spinther the consul was zealous^ for
Cicero partly as a favor to Pompey and partly to dam-
age Clodius, by reason of a private enmity which had
led him as judge to condemn the man for incest : Clodius
was supported by various men in public office, by Ap-
pius Claudius, his brother, who was praetor, and by
Nepos the consul who hated Cicero for some reason of
1 Four words to fill a gap supplied by Beiske.
160
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
iis own. These parties, accordingly, witli the consuls ^q~7~
as leaders made more noise than before, and so did the (a. «. 697)
rest in the city, championing one side or the other.
Many disorderly proceedings were the result, chiefest
of which was that during the very casting of the vote
on the subject Clodius, knowing that the masses would
be for Cicero, took the gladiators that his brother held
in readiness for the funeral games in honor of Marcus
his relative, leaped into the assemblage, wounded many
and killed many more. Consequently no decision was
reached and the perpetrator, as the companion of
armed champions, was dreaded in general by all: he
then stood for the sedileship', with a view to escaping
the penalty for his violence by being elected. Milo had
indicted him but did not succeed in bringing him to
court, for the qusestors, by whom the allotment of
jurors had to be made, had not been elected, and Nepos
forbade the praetor to allow any case before their allot-
ment. Now it was proper for the ssdiles to be chosen be-
fore the qusestors, and this proved the principal cause
of delay. Much disturbance was created by the contest — 8 —
over this very point, and at last Milo himself collected
some gladiators and others who desired the same ob-
jects as he did and kept continually coming to blows
"with Clodius, so that fatal conflicts took place through-
out practically the entire city. Nepos now, inspired with
fear by his colleague and by Pompey and by the other
prominent men, changed his attitude, and as the senate
decreed, on motion of Spinther, that Cicero should be
restored, and the populace on the motion of both con-
suls voted it, Clodius, to be sure, spoke against it to
VOL. 2.— 11 161
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 57 them, but he liad Milo as an opponent so that he could
(a. u. 697) ' -r» j^T T
commit no violence, and Pompey, among others, spoke
in favor of the enactment, so that that party proved
much the stronger.
— 9— Cicero accordingly came home from exile and ex-
pressed his gratitude to both senate and people, — the
consuls affording him an opportunity, — in their re-
spective assemblies. He laid aside his hatred of Pom-
pey for his banishment, became reconciled with him,
and immediately repaid his kindness. A sore famine
had arisen in the city and the entire populace rushed
into the theatre (the kind of theatre that they were
then still using for public gatherings) and from there
to the Capitol where the senators were in session,
threatening first to slay them with their own hands
and later to burn them alive, temple and all. It was
then that Cicero persuaded them to elect Pompey as
conunissioner of the grain supply and to give him con-
sequently the office of proconsul for five years both
within Italy and without. So he now, as previously,
iu the case of the pirates, was to hold sway over the
entire world at that time under Roman power.
— 10— Cfesar and Crassus really disliked Cicero, but paid
some attention to him when they perceived that he
would return in any case, Caesar even while absent dis-
playing some good-will toward him; they received,
however, no thanks for their pains. Cicero knew that
they had not acted according to their real inclination
and regarded them as having been most to blame for
liis banishment. And though he was not quite bold
enough to oppose them openly, since he had recently
162
DIO S ROMAN HISTORY
tasted the fruits of unrestrained free speech, neverthe- , B- ^- ^L
■^ ' {a. u. 697)
less he composed secretly a little book and inscribed
upon it that it contained a kind of defence of his policy.
In it he heaped together masses of denunciation against
them and others, which led him to such fear of these
statements getting out in his lifetime that he sealed up
the volume and delivered it to his son with the injunc-
tion not to read nor to publish what was written, until
his father should have departed from life.
Cicero, accordingly, took root anew and got back his — ii —
property and likewise the foundation of his home, al-
though the latter had been given up to Liberty and
Clodius both called the gods to witness and interposed
religious scruples against its desecration. But Cicero
found a flaw in the enactment of the lex curiata by the
provisions of which his rival had been taken from the
nobles into the rank of the people, on the ground that
it had not been proposed within the limit of days set
by ancestral custom. Thus he tried to make null and
void the entire tribuneship of Clodius (in which also
the decree regarding his house had been passed), say-
ing that inasmuch as the transference of the latter to the
common people had taken place unlawfuUyj it was not
possible for any one of his acts while in office to be con-
sidered binding. By this means he persuaded the pon-
tifices to give back to him the foundation as properly
his and unconsecrated. So he obtained that and money
for the construction of his house, and whatever else of
his property had been damaged.
After this there was further trouble on account of —12 —
King Ptolemy. He had spent much money upon some
163
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 57 of the Eomans, some of his own income and some bor-
(d. 1*. 697)
rowed, in order to strengthen his kiagdom and receive
the name of friend and ally. He was collecting this
sum forcibly from the Egyptians and was irritated at
the difficulty he encountered as well as at their bidding
him demand back Cyprus from the Romans or else re-
nounce his friendship for the foreigners, — neither of
which demands suited his wishes. Since he could
neither persuade them to be quiet nor yet force them,
as he had no foreign troops, he made his escape from
Egypt, went to Eome, and accused them of having ex-
pelled him from his kingdom: he obtained the right
to be restored by Spinther, to whom Cilicia had been
entrusted.
— 13 — While this was going on, the people of Alexandria,
who for a while did not know that he had departed
for Italy or supposed he was dead, placed Berenice his
daughter on the throne ia his place. TheUj learning
the truth, they sent a hundred men to Rome to defend
themselves against his complaints and to bring counter
charges of all the wrongs they had suffered. He heard
of it in advance (he was still in Rome) and lay in wait
for the envoys, by sending various men in different di-
rections, before their arrival. The majority of them
perished on the road, and of the survivors he slew some
in the city itself and others he either terrified by what
had happened or by administering bribes persuaded
them neither to touch upon the matters regarding
which they had been sent, nor to make any mention at
— 14— all of those who had been killed. The affair, however,
became so noised abroad that even the senate was
mightily displeased, being urged on to action chiefly by
164
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Marcus Favonius, who assigned two causes for his in- , b. c. 57
' ° . (a. «. 697)
dignation, — first, that many envoys sent by allies had
perished by violence, and second, that numerous Ro-
mans also on this occasion had taken bribes. So they
summoned Dio, the presiding officer of the envoys (for
he had survived) in order to learn the truth from him.
But this time, too, Ptolemy gained such a victory by
money that neither did Dio enter the assemblage, nor
was any mention made of the murder of the dead men,
so long as Ptolemy was on the ground.^ Furthermore,
when Dio was subsequently treacherously slain, he paid
no penalty for that deed, either. This was chiefly due
to the fact that Pompey had entertained him in his
house and continued to render him powerful assist-
ance. Of the other abuses that sprang from this source
many were accused at a later time, but few convicted.
For bribery was rampant and each cooperated with
the other because of his own fear.
While mortals were being influenced by money to —15 —
behave themselves so. Heaven at the very beginning of
the next year by striking with a thunderbolt the statue
of Jupiter erected on the Alban hill, delayed the re-
turn of Ptolemy some little time. For when they had
recourse to the Sibylline verses they found written in
them this very passage : "If the king of Egypt come
requesting some aid, refuse him. not friendship alto-
gether, nor yet succor him with any great force : other-
wise, you will have both toils and dangers." There-
upon, amazed at the coincidence between the verses and
the events of the time, they were persuaded by Gaius
1 Reading nap^v ( as Boissevain ) .
165
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 57 Cato tlie tribune to rescind all their decisions in the
(a. u. 697)
case. This was the way the oracle was given, and it
was made public by Cato (for it was forbidden to an-
nounce to the populace any of the Sibylline statements,
unless the senate voted it). Yet as soon as the sense
of the verses, as usually happens, began to be talked
about, he was afraid that it might be concealed, led
the priests before the populace and there compelled
them to utter the oracle before the senate had given
them any instructions. The more scruples they had
against doing so, the more insistent^ was the multitude.
— 16— Cato's wish prevailed; it was written in the Latin
tongue and proclaimed. After this they gave their
opinions: some were for assigning the restoration of
Ptolemy to Spruther without an army and others urged
that Pompey with two lictors should escort him home
(Ptolemy, on learning of the oracle, had preferred this
latter request and his letter was read in public by Aulus
Plautius, the tribune) . The senators then, fearing that
Pompey would by this means obtain still greater
power, opposed it, using the matter of the grain as an
excuse.
AU this happened in the consulship of Lucius Philip-
pus and Gnseus Marcellinus. Ptolemy, when he heard
of it, refused the favor of restoration, went to Ephesus,
and passed his time in the temple of the goddess.
-17— The year before a peculiar incident, which still has
some bearing upon history, had taken place. It was this.
The law expressly forbids any two persons of the same
1 Words equivalent to " the more insistent " are easily Supplied from
the context, as suggested by v. Herwerden, Wagner, and Leunclavius.
166
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
dan to hold the same priesthood at the same time. , ^- *^-^J,,
^ (a. u. 697)
Now Spinther the consul was anxious to place his son
Cornelius Spinther among the augurs, and when Faus-
tus, the son of Sulla, of the Cornelian gens had been
enrolled before him, took his son out of the clan and
put him in that of Manlius Torquatus, and thus though
the letter of the law was preserved, its spirit was
broken.
Clodius had now come to the office of asdile. in the — is —
, B. C. 56
year of Philippus and Marcellinus; being anxious to (a. u. 698)
avoid the lawsuit he had got himself elected by a polit-
ical combination. He immediately instituted proceed-
ings against Milo for procuring gladiators: what he
was doing himself and was likely to be brought to trial
for he brought as a charge against his rival. He did
this not really in the expectation of convicting Milo, —
for the latter had many strong champions, among them
Cicero and Pompey, — but in order that under this pre-
text he might carry on a campaign against Milo and
harass his helpers. The following was one of his —19 —
numerous devices. He had instructed his clique that
whenever he should ask them in the assemblies : ' ' Who
was it that did or said so-and-so? " they should all cry
out : " Pompey ! " Then on several occasions he would
suddenly ask about everything that could be taken
amiss in Pompey, either in physical peculiarities or any
other respect, taking up various small topics, one at
a time, as if he were not speaking of him particularly.
Thereupon, as usually happens in such cases, some
would start off and others join in the refrain, saying
" Pompey!" and there was considerable jeering. The
167
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^' ^' l^„v man attacked could not control himself and keep quiet,
(a. u. 698) . r ^ 7
nor would he stoop to a trick like Clodius'Sj so that he
grew exceedingly angry, yet could not stir : thus nomi-
nally Milo was condemned, but in reality Pompey was
convicted without even making a defence. For Clodius
went one step farther and would not allow the lex curi-
ata to be brought up for discussion ; and until that was
enacted no other serious business could be transacted
in the commonwealth or any suit introduced.
— 20— For a season Milo served as a shield for their abuses
and assassinations, but about this time some portents
occurred. In Albanum a small temple of Junoj set on
a kind of table facing the east, was turned around to
the west; a flash of light starting from the south shot
across to the north; a wolf entered the city; an earth-
quake occurred; some of the citizens were killed by a
thunderbolt; in Latin territory a subterranean tumult
was distinctly heard: and the soothsayers, being
anxious to produce a remedy, said that some spirit was
angry with them because of some temples or sites not in-
habited for holy purposes. Then Clodius substituted Ci-
cero for Milo and attacked him vigorously in speeches
because he had built upon the foundation of the house
dedicated to Liberty; and once he went to it, with the
apparent intention of razing it anew to the ground,
though he did not do so, being prevented by Milo.
— 21 — Cicero was angry at such treatment and kept making
complaints, and finally with Milo and some tribunes
as attendants he ascended the Capitol and took down
the tablets set up by Clodius to commemorate his exUe.
This time Clodius came up with his brother Gains, a
168
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
praetor, and took them away from him, but later he (^^j^ggg
"watched for a time when Clodius was out of town, as-
cended the Capitol again, took them and carried them
home. After this occurrence no quarter was shown on
either side, but they abused and slandered each other
as much as they could, without refraining from the
basest means. One declared that the tribuneship of
Clodius had been contrary to law and that therefore
his deeds in office had no authority, and the other that
Cicero's exile had been justly decreed and his restora-
tion unlawfully voted.
WhUe they were contending, and Clodius was getting —22 —
much the worst of it, Marcus Cato came upon the scene
and made them equal. He had a grudge against Cicero
and was likewise afraid that all his acts in Cyprus
would be annulled, because he had been sent out under
Clodius as tribune : hence he readily took sides with the
latter. He was very proud of his deeds and anxious
above all things that they should be confirmed. For
Ptolemy, who at that time was master of the island,
when he learned of the vote that had been passed, and
neither dared to rise against the Romans nor could
endure to live, deprived of that province, had taken his
life by drinking poison.^ Then the Cypriots, without
reluctance, accepted Cato, expecting to be friends and
allies of the Eomans instead of slaves. It was not,
however, of this that Cato made his chief boast; but
because he had administered everything in the best pos-
sible manner, had collected slaves and large amounts
1 This is a younger brother of that Ptolemy Auletes who was expelled
iiom Egypt and subsequently restored (see chapter 55), and is Ihe
same one mentioned in Book Thirty-eight, chapter 30.
169
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
(o^' ^' 698 » ^^ money from the royal treasury, yet had met with no
' reproach but had given account of everything unchal-
lenged, — it was for this that he laid claim to valor no
less than if he had conquered in some war. So many
persons accepted bribes that he thought it more im-
usual for a man to despise money than to conquer the
enemy.
— 23— So at that time Cato for the reasons specified had
some hope of a proper triumph, and the consuls in the
senate proposed that a praetorship be given him, al-
though by law it could not yet be his. He was not ap-
pointed (for he spoke against the measure himself),
but obtained even greater renown from it. Clodius
undertook to name the servants brought from Cyprus
Clodians, because he himself had sent Cato there, but
failed because the latter opposed it. So they received
the title of Cyprians, although some of them wanted
to be called Porcians; but Cato prevented this, too.
Clodius took his opposition extremely ill and tried to
pick flaws in his administration : he demanded accounts
for the transactions, not because he could prove him
guilty of any wrongdoing, but because nearly all of the
documents had been, destroyed by shipwreck and he
might gain some prestige by following this line.
Caesar, also, although not present, was aiding Clodius
at this time, and according to some sent him in letters
the accusations brought against Cato. One of their
attacks upon Cato consisted in the charge that he him-
self had persuaded the consuls (so they affirmed) to
propose a praetorship for him, and that he had then
170
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
voluntarily put it by, iu order not to appear to have .^'^'gg^.
missed it when he wanted it.
So they kept up the conflict, and Pompey, too, en- —24—
countered some trouble in the distribution of the grain.
Many slaves had been freed in anticipation of the
event, of whom he wished to take a census in order that
the grain delivery might take place with some decency
and order. This, to be sure, he managed fairly easily
through his own wisdom and because of the large sup-
ply of grain: but in seeking the consulship he found
annoyances which likewise entailed a measure of cen-
sure for him. Clodius's behavior irritated him, but
even more the fact that he was treated slightingly by
the rest, whose superior he was : and he felt injured
both on account of his reputation and on account of the
hopes by reason of which while still a private citizen
he had thought to be honored beyond them £ill. Some-
times he could bring himself to despise all this. At
first when people began to speak ill of him he was an-
noyed, but after a time, when he came to consider
carefully his own excellence and their baseness, he paid
no further attention to them. The fact, however, that —35 —
Caesar's influence had grown and the populace admired
his achievements so much as to despatch ten men from
the senate in recognition of the apparently absolute
subjugation of the Gauls,^ and that the people were so
elated by consequent hopes as to vote him large sums
of money was a thorn in Pompey 's side. He attempted
to persuade the consuls not to read Caesar's letters but
to conceal the facts for a very long time until the glory
iThis statement of Dio's appears to be erroneous. See Cicero,
Ad Familiarea I, 7, 10, and Mommsen, Btaatareoht, 22, 672.
171
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
- ^" ^ ^L. of his deeds should of its own motion spread itself
{a. u. 69S) ^
abroad, and further to send some one to relieve him
even before the specified date. So jealous was he that
he proceeded to disparage and abrogate all that he him-
self had effected with Cesar's aid: he was displeased
at the great and general praise bestowed upon the lat-
ter (whereby his own exploits were being over-
shadowed) and reproached the populace for paying
little heed to himself and going frantic over Caesar.
Especially was he vexed to see that they remembered
former achievements just so long as nothing occurred
to divert them, that they turned with greatest readi-
ness to each new event, even if it were inferior to some-
thing previous because they became tired of the usual
and liked the novel, and that they overthrew all estab-
lished glory by reason of envy, but helped to build up
_26— any new power by reason of their hopes. This was
what caused his displeasure ; and as he could not effect
anything through the consuls and saw that Caesar had
passed beyond the need of keeping faith with him, he
regarded the situation as grave. He held that there
were two things that destroy friendship, — fear and
envy, — and that these can only arise from rival glory
and strength. As long as persons possess these last in
equal shares, their friendship is firm, but when one or
the other excels in the least degree, then the inferior
party is jealous and hates the superior while the
stronger despises and abuses the weaker: so, which-
ever way you take it, the one is vexed by his inferi-
ority, the other is elated by his advantage, and they
172
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
come to strife and war in place of their former friend- , ^- *-'fj?o,
ship. On the basis of some such calculations Pompey
began to arm himself against Caesar. And because he
thought he could not easily alone overthrow him, he
cultivated Crassus even more than before, that he
might act with him.
When they had compared notes, they decided that it —27 —
would be really impossible for them to accomplish any-
thing as private citizens, but if they should get the
consulship and divide the authority between them for
rivalry against him, they would both be a match for
him and quickly overcome him, being two against one.
So they arranged an entire plan of dissimulation,
to wit, that if any of their companions should urge
them to the ofS.ce, they should say they no longer cared
to obtain the consulship : after this they put forth their
best efforts to get it, in spite of the fact that they had
formerly been friends with some of the other candi-
dates. When they began to canvass for the office out-
side of the times directed by law and others made it
plain that they would not allow them to be appointed
(among these were the consuls themselves, for Marcel-
linus had some little influence), they brought it about
that the elections should not be held that year (and to
this end they employed Gains Cato and some others),
in order that an interrex might be chosen and they seek
and secure the place in accordance with the laws. Now — 38 —
this was done under some other pretext (as it was said,
by reason of engagements made at a different time),
but in reality by their own influence, for they openly
showed dislike of those who opposed them. The sen-
173
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
2- ^'l^j,, ate, however, was violently enraged, and once while
they were wrangling left the room. That was the end
of the proceedings for the time being, and again when
the same disturbance happened the senators voted to
change their dress, as if for some calamity, and they
paid no attention to Cato, who, because he gained
nothing by speaking against the proposed step, rushed
out of the gathering and called in any one he met in the
market-place,^ in order that no decision might be
reached ; for, if any person not a senator were within,
they might not give their vote. But other tribunes
were quick and prevented those invited from entering,
and so this decree was passed, and it was also proposed
that the senators should not be spectators at the festi-
val then going on. When Cato opposed this measure,
too, they rushed out in a body, and after changing their
dress returned, hoping thus to frighten him. When
even so he would not moderate his behavior, they all
together proceeded to the Forum and brought to a state
of sincere sorrow the multitude^ who had come running
to that place; Marcellinus was the speaker, and he
lamented the present occurrences, while the rest listen-
ing wept and groaned, so that no one had a word to say
against him. After doing this the senators entered the
senate-house immediately, intending to vent their wrath
_29_ upon those who were responsible. But Clodius had
meantime jumped to the side of Pompey and espoused
his cause again in the hope that if he should help him in
securing the prize now at stake, he would make him.
entirely his friend. So he came before the populace
in his ordinary garb, without making any change as
1 Gap in the MS. supplied by Bekker's conjecture,
174
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the decree required, and addressed a speech to them .^'^'q^q)
against Marcellinus and the rest. As great indigna-
tion at this act was shown by the senators, he aban-
doned the people in the midst of his speech and
hastened to the senate, where he came near meeting his
end. For the senate confronted him and prevented his
going in, while at that moment he was surrounded by
the knights and would have been torn limb from limb,
had he not raised an outcry, calling upon the people for
aid ; whereupon many ran to the scene bringing fire and
threatening to bum his oppressors along with the sen-
ate-house, if they should do him any harm.
He, then, came within an ace of being killed. But —30 —
Pompey, not alarmed at all by this, on one occasion
rushed into the senatorial assembly, thwarting them as
they were just about to vote, and prevented the measure
from being carried. When Marcellinus after that pub-
licly asked him whether he really desired to become
consul, he in hope that the other might give ground
admitted that he was a candidate, but said that he did
not want the office so far as the just men were con-
cerned, but that on account of the seditious he was ex-
erting every influence to that end. So Pompey came
out openly as his rival, and Crassus on being interro-
gated gave the same implication himself, not admitting
the fact, to be sure, but not denying it, either : instead,
he took, as usual, a middle course and said that he
would do whatever was advantageous to the republic.
In view of this situation Marcellinus and many others
were terrified, as they observed their equipment and
opposing array, and would no longer frequent the sen-
175
DIO'S KOMAN HISTORY
B. c. 56 ate-house. As the number required by custom for pass-
(d. M. 698) 1 J r
ing any vote about the elections did not assemble, it was
impossible to have any business at all about them
brought forward, and the year thus passed away.
However, the senators did not change their attire nor
attend the festivals nor celebrate the feast of Jupiter
on the Capitol nor go out to Albanum for the Feriae
Latinae, held there for the second time by reason of
something not rightly done. Instead, like persons in
bondage and not possessing authority to choose officials
or conduct any other public business they spent the rest
of the year.
—31 — And after this Crassus and Pompey were appointed
(a. M. 699) consuls by the interrex, as no one else of the earlier
canvassers opposed them. Lucius Domitius, who eon-
tested the office up to the very last day of the year,
started out from home for the assembly of the people
just after dark, but when the boy that carried the torch
in front of him was stabbed, he was frightened and
went no farther. Hence, as no one else contested their
election, and furthermore because of the action of Pub-
lius Crassus, who was a son of Marcus and then lieu-
tenant under Caesar, in bringing soldiers to Eome for
this very purpose, they were easily chosen.
_32— When they had thus assumed the leadership of the
State, they had the other offices given to such as were
well disposed toward them and prevented Marcus Cato
from being appointed praetor. They suspected that he
would not submit to their regime and were unwilling
to add any legal power to his outspoken opposition.
The nomination of the praetors was made in peace, for
176
— 33 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Cato did not see fit to offer any violence : in the matter , ^- ^- f^. .
•' {a. u. 699)
of the cnnile aediles, however, assassinations took place,
so that Pompey was implicated in much bloodshed.
The other officials, too, — those elected by the people,
— they appointed to please themselves (for they con-
trolled the elections), and they made friends with the
other aediles and most of the tribunes. Two tribunes,
Gaius Ateius Capito and Publius Aquilius Gallus,
would not come to terms with them.
Accordingly, when the offices had been settled, they
possessed the object of their strivings. They them-
selves made no mention of these matters before either
the senate or the populace, but gravely pretended that
they wanted nothing further. Gaius Trebonius, how-
ever, a tribune, presented a measure that to the one
Syria and its environs be given to rule over for five
years, and to the other the Hispaniae, where there had
recently been an uprising, for a similar period; also
that they should employ as many soldiers as they might
wish, both citizens and allies, and should make peace
and war with whomsoever they pleased. Many, and
especially the friends of Csesar, took offence at this,
because those men after obtaining provinces to govern
were likely to keep Csesar from holding his position for
a much longer time; and therefore some prepared to
speak agaiust the measure. Then the consuls fearing
that they might fail utterly of the projects they had in
hand won over all such supporters on the condition of
extending his leadership also for three* years more
1 Suetonius says "five years" (Life of Csesar, chapter 24), and
Plutarch and Appian make a similar statement of the time. ( Plutarch,
Csesar, chapter 21, and Pompey, chapters 51, 52. Appian, Civil War,
n, 17.)
VOL. 2.— 12 177
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, "^" ^" ^L. (to follow the actual facts). However, they submitted
,(a. u. 699) ^ . .
no part of liis case to the populace until their own busi-
ness had been ratified. And the adherents of Caesar,
anticipated in this way, kept quiet, and the greater part
of the rest, in bondage to fear and satisfied if even so
—34— they should save their lives, remained still. On the
other hand, Cato and Favonius resisted all their
schemes, having the two tribunes and others to help
them, since in fighting few against many their frank-
ness was of no avail. Favonius, who obtained from
Trebonius only one hour for his speech in opposition,
used it up in crying out at random about the distressing
condition of the times. Cato received the right of
employing two hours in his harangue and turned his
efforts to censuring the immediate proposition and the
whole situation, as he was wont, and so he exhausted
his time before he had touched upon any of the revolu-
tionary aspects of the matter. This was done not be-
cause he did not have the privilege of speaking also on
that topic, but in order that he might be silenced by
Trebonius while still appearing to have something
more to say and thus obtain this additional grievance
to bring up against him. For he well understood that
had he employed the entire day, he was still sure to
be imable to persuade them to vote anything that he
wished. Hence, when bidden to be silent he did not
stop immediately, but had to be pushed and dragged
from the assemblage, whereupon he came back, and at
last though consigned to prison he did not moderate
his behavior.
_35 _ That day was so spent that the tribunes were unable
178
DIO*S ROMAN HISTORY
to Bpeak any word at all. For in the meetings of the (^'J^'gggv
people where a measure was also under discussion^ the
right to speak was given to all the private citizens
before those that held the offices, to the end, as it
seemed, that none of them captivated beforehand by
the opinion of a superior should dissimulate the
thoughts that he had in mind, but should say what he
thought with entire frankness. Hence Gallus, being
afraid that some one might on the next day keep him
from the Forum or do something worse still, went iuto
the place of assembly directly after nightfall and
passed the night there for the sake of the safety that
the place afforded, and for the purpose of leaving there
at dawn to join the populace outside. Trebonius, by
shutting all the doors of the senate-house, caused this
man to have spent the night and most of the day there
in vain. Others occupied the site of the gathering by
night and barred out Ateius, Cato, Favonius and the
remainder of their followers. When Favonius and
Nianius got in somehow unobserved and Cato and
Ateius climbed upon the shoulders of some of those
standing around and being lifted up by them declared
an omen directing the meeting to break up, the attend-
ants of the tribunes drove them both out, wounded the
rest who were with them and actually killed a few.
After the law was in this way ratified and the people —36 —
were already departing from the assembly Ateius took
Gallus covered with blood (he had been struck in being,
forced out of the gathering), -led him into the presence
of those stUl on the spot, exhibited him to them, and
by making all the comments that were natural, stirred
179
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 55 them mightily. The consuls were made aware of this
and came quickly, having, indeed, been waiting some-
where near to see what was going on. As they had a
considerable body-guard they intimidated the men, im-
mediately called a meeting and passed the additional
measures relating to Caesar. The same persons tried
to resist these, too, but were unable to accomplish any-
thing.
—37 — The consuls had this enactment passed, and next they
laid heavier penalties upon such as bribed any persons,
as if they themselves were any the less guilty because
they had secured their office not by money but by
force. They had even undertaken to curtail personal
expenditures, which had gone to great lengths, although
they themselves indulged in every kind of luxury and
delicacy; they were prevented, however, by this very
business of lawmaking. For Hortensius, one of the
men fondest of expensive living, by reviewing the great
size of the city and adverting with commendation to
the costliness of their homes and their magnanimity to-
ward others, persuaded them to give up their inten-
tion, for he could use their mode of life to champion
his words. They respected his contention, and fur-
thermore, because they shrank from appearing to
debar others through any envy from rights that they
themselves enjoyed, they voluntarily withdrew their
motion.
_38— These were the same days in which Pompey dedi-
cated the theatre wherein we take pride even at the
present time. In it he provided an entertainment con-
sisting of music and gymnastic contests, and in the
180
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Tiippodrome a horse-race and the slaughter of many ^^f'ggg.
beasts of all kinds. Five hundred lions were used up
in five days, and eighteen elephants fought against
men in heavy armor. Some of these beasts were killed
immediately and others much later. For some of them,
contrary to Pompey's "wish, were pitied by the people
when they were woimded and ceased fighting and
walked about with their trunks raised toward heaven.
They lamented so bitterly as to give rise to the report
that they did so not by accident, but were crying out
upon the oaths in which they trusted when crossing
over from Lib;^ a, and were calling upon Heaven to
avenge them. For it is said that they would not set
foot upon the ships before they received a pledge under
oath from their leaders that they should verily suffer
no harm : whether this is really so or otherwise, I know
not. For some in time past have further declared that
in addition to understanding the language of their
native country they also comprehend what is going on
in the sky, so that at the time of new moon, before that
luminary comes within the gaze of men, they reach
running water and there make a kind of purification of
themselves. These are some of the things I have
beard; I have heard also that this theatre was not
erected by Pompey, but by one Demetrius, a f reedman
of his, with the money he had gained while making cam-
paigns with the general. Wherefore he yielded the
name of the structure most justly to his master, that he
might not be Ul spoken of for having, as his freedman,
gathered money enough to suffice for so huge an ex-
penditure.
181
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
m"??« No doubt in this Pompey afforded the populace no
Om \j, iyo
(a. u. 699) little delight, but in making with Crassus the levies,
according to their votes, he displeased them exceed-
ingly. Then the majority repented of their course and
praised Cato and the rest. So the latter group both
on his account and because a certain lawsuit, nominally
against their lieutenants but really against them and
with reference to their acts had been instituted by some
of the tribunes, dared indeed to commit no act of vio-
lence, but, together with the malcontents in the senate,
changed their clothing as if for a calamity. They im-
mediately, however, repented in regard to this costume
and without waiting for any excuse went back to their
accustomed dress. Now when the tribunes endeavored
to abolish the levies and rescind the vote for the pro-
posed campaigns, Pompey, for his part, showed no
anger. He had sent out his lieutenants without delay
and he himself was glad to remain where he was on the
plea that he was prevented from going abroad, espe-
cially as he ought to be in Eome on account of his du-
ties in the care of the grain ; and his plan in that case
was to let his officers subdue the Hispanise and himself
manage the affairs at Eome and in the rest of Italy.
Crassus, however, since neither of these considerations
operated in his case, turned to force of arms. The
tribunes, then, seeing that their boldness, being un-
armed, was too weak to hinder any of his under-
takings, in general kept silence. They announced
many unusual portents, however, that applied to him,
as if they could avoid including the public in their
curse: at one time as he was offering on the Capitol
182
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the customary prayers for his campaign they spread ■^'J^'lgg,
a report of omens and wonders, and again when he was
setting out they called down many terrible curses upon
him. Ateius even attempted to cast him into prison,
but other tribunes resisted, and there was a conflict
among them and a delay, in the midst of which Crassus
left the pomerium.
Now he, whether by chance or as a result of the
curses, before long met with defeat. As for Csesar, he, — 40 —
B C 56
in the consulship of Marcellinus and Philippus, had (o. «. 698)
made an expedition against the Veneti, who live near
the ocean. They had seized some Eoman soldiers sent
out for grain and afterward detained the envoys who
came to see about them, to the end that in exchange
they might get back their own hostages. Ctesar, instead
of giving these back, sent out different bodies of troops
in various directions, some to waste the possessions of
those who had joined the revolt and thus to prevent the
two bands from aiding each other, and others to guard
the possessions of those that were under treaty for
fear they too might cause some disturbance : he him-
self meanwhile went straight against the Veneti.
He constructed in the interior boats, which he heard
were of advantage for the reflux tide of the ocean, and
conveyed them down the river Liger, but in so doing
used up almost the entire season to no purpose. Their
cities, established in strong positions, were inaccessible,
and the ocean surging around practically all of them
rendered an infantry attack out of the question, and a
naval attack equally so in the midst of the ebb and
flow of the tide. Consequently Caesar was in despair
183
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 56 until Decimus Brutus came to him with, swift ships
(o. M. 698)
from the Mediterranean. And he was mclined to think
he would be unable to accomplish anything with those
either, but the barbarians through contempt for the
smallness and weakness of the cutters incurred defeat.
—41— For these boats, with a view to rapid progress, had
been built rather light in the prevailing style of naval
architecture among us, whereas those of the barba-
rians, because in the constant reflux of the ocean they
often needed to rest on dry ground and to hold out
against the succession of ebb and flow, surpassed them
very much in both size and stoutness. For these rea-
sons the barbarians, never having had any experience
with such a fleet, in view of the appearance of the ships
believed their effectiveness of no importance; and as
soon as they were lying at anchor they set sail against
them, thinking to sink them in a very short time by
means of their boathooks. They were carried by an
extremely powerful wind, for their sails were of leather
and so received greedily the full force of the wind.
—43— Now Brutus for a time paid good heed to that fact and
did not dare to sail out against them because of the
number and size of the ships and the sweep of the wind
and their impetus, but prepared to repel their attack
near the land and to abandon the boats altogether.
When, however, the wind suddenly fell, the waves were
stilled, and the boats could no longer be propelled
even with oars but because of their great heaviness
stopped almost motionless, then he took courage and
sailed to meet them. Falling upon them he wrought
them many serious injuries with impunity, using both
184
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
flank and smashing tactics/ now ramming one of them, ^- ^- ^^
now backing water, in whatever way and as much as
he liked, sometimes with many vessels against one and
again with equal numbers opposed, occasionally even
approaching safely with few against many. At what-
ever point he was superior to them, there he stuck to
them closely, and some he sank by ripping them open,
and others he boarded from all sides with his mariners
for a hand to hand conflict, thus slaughtering many. If
he found himself inferior at any place, he very easily
retired, so that the advantage rested with him in any
case. The barbarians did not use archery and had not —43 —
provided themselves beforehand with stones, not ex-
pecting to have any need of them. Hence, if any one
came into close quarters with them, they fought him off
after a fashion, but with those that stood a little dis-
tance from them they knew not how to cope. So they
were wounded and killed, some being unable to repel
any one, and some of the boats were rammed and torn
open, while others were set on fire and burned; still
others were drawn off in tow, as if empty of men. The
rest of the crews seeing this waited no longer: some
killed themselves to avoid being captured alive and
others leaped into the sea with the idea that from there
they might board the hostile ships, or in any event not
perish at the hands of the Eomans. In earnestness
and daring they were no whit inferior, but grieved ter-
1 The two kinds of naval tactics mentioned here {nepmXou? and StixnXou?)
consist respectively ( 1 ) in describing a semi-circle and making a broad-
side attack with the purpose of ramming an opposing vessel, and (2) in
dashing through the hostile ranks, breaking the oars of some ship and
then returning to ram it when disabled. Both methods were employed
in early Greek as well as in Roman warfare.
185
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^' ^6981 ^^^^^ ^^ being betrayed by the stationary qualities of
their vessels. The Romans, to make sure that the wind
when it sprang up again should not move the ships,
applied from a distance long poles fitted with knives,
by means of which they cut the ropes and split the sails.
Through the circumstance that the enemy were com-
pelled to fight a kind of land battle in their boats
against a foe conducting a naval battle, great numbersi
perished there and all the survivors were captured.
Of these Caesar slew the most prominent and sold the
rest.
—44— Next he made a campaign against the Morini and
Menapii, their neighbors, expecting to terrify them by
what he had already accomplished and capture them
easily. He failed, however, to subdue any of them.
They had no cities, living only in huts, and they con-
veyed their most valued treasures to the ruggedest
parts of the mountains, so that they did the attacking
parties of the Romans much more harm than they
themselves suffered. Caesar attempted by cutting down
the forests to make his way into the very mountains,
but renounced his plan on account of their size and the
nearness of winter, and retired.
^45_ While he was still in Venetia, Quintus Titurius Sabi-
nus, his lieutenant, was despatched against the Unqlli,
whose leader was Viridovix. At first he was greatly
terrified at their numbers and would have been satis-
fied if only the camp should be saved, but later he per-
ceived that though this advantage made them bolder,
they were not in reality dangerous, and he took courage.
Most of the barbarians, in fact, in their threats make
all sorts of terrible boasts that are without foundation.
186
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Even so he did not dare to venture a passage of arms , b. c. 56
^ ° (o. M. 698)
openly with them, for they kept him in position by mere
numbers, but induced them recklessly to assault his
rampart, th6ugh the site was on high ground. He did
this by sending about evening, as a deserter, one of his
allies who spoke their language, and persuaded them
that Csesar had met with reverses. Trusting this re-
port they straightway started out heedlessly against
the Eomans (for they were gorged with food and
drink), in the fear that they might flee before their
arrival. Moreover, since their plans contemplated not
allowing even the fire^priest* to be saved they brought
1 Dio has evidently imitated at this point a sentence in Herodotos,
VIII, 6 (as shown by the phraseologj;), where it is remarked that
" the Persians [at Artemisium] were minded not to let a single soul "
of the Greeks escape. The expression is, in general, a proverbial one,
applied to utter destruction, especially in warfare. Its source is
GrTeek, and lies in the custom of the Spartans (see Xenophon, Polity of
the Lacedaemonians, chapter 13, section 2), which required the pres-
ence in their army of a priest carrying fire kindled at the shrine of
Zeus the Leader, in Sparta, this sacred fire being absolutely essential
to the proper conduct of important sacrifices. Victors would naturally
spare such a priest on account of his sacred character; he regularly
possessed the inviolability attaching also to heralds and envoys: and
the proverb that represents him' as being slain is (as Suidas notes)
an effective bit of epigrammatic exaggeration. Other references to
this proverb may be found (by those interested) in Hawlinson's note
on the above passage of Herodotos, in one of the scholia on the
Phoenician Maidens of Euripides (verse 1377), in Sturz's Xenophontean
Lexicon, in Stobaios's Florilegium (XLIV, 41, excerpt from Nicolaos
Damascenes), in Zenobios's Centwria (V, 34), and finally in the dic-
tionaries of Suidas and Hesychios.
The following slight variations as to the origin of the phrase are to be
found in the above. The scholiast on Euripides states that in early
times, before the trumpet was invented, it was customary for a torch-
bearer to perform the duties of a trumpeter. Each of any two opposing
armies would have one, and the two priests advancing in front of their
respective armies would cast their torches into the intervening space
and then be allowed to retire unmolested before the clash occurred.
Zenobios, a gatherer of proverbs, uses the word " seer " instead of
priest. That the saying was an extremely common one seems to be
indicated by the rather naive definition of Hesychios:
Fire-Bearer. The man bearing fire. Also, the only man saved in war.
Of course, this may be simply the unskillful condensation of an au-
thority.
187
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 56 along chips and logs, carrying some and dragging
\ 0/. u. u Jo )
others, with the evident intention of burning them
alive. Thus they made their attack up-hill and came
climbing up eagerly, meeting with no resistance. Sabi-
nus did not move until the most of them were within
his power. Then he charged down upon them from all
sides at once, and terrifying those in front he dashed
them all headlong down the hill, and while they were
upset, tumbling over one another and the logs, he cut
them down to such an extent that no one of them or of
the others rose against him again. For the Gauls,
who are unreasonably insatiate in all respects alike,
know no limits in either their courage or their f ear^ but
fall from the one into unthinkable cowardice and from
the other into headstrong audacity.
— 46— About the same period, Publius Crassus, too, son of
Marcus Crassus, subjugated nearly all of Aquitania.
The people are themselves Gauls, and dwell next to
Celtica, and their territory extends straight along the
Pyrenees to the ocean. Against these Crassus mad©
his campaign, conquering the Sotiates in battle and
capturing them by siege. He lost a few men, to be
sure, by treachery in the course of a parley, but de-
fended them vigorously in this very action. On seeing
some others in a gathering with soldiers of Sertorius
from Spain who carried on the war with more strategy
than recklessness, believing that the Romans through
lack of supplies would soon abandon the country, he
pretended to be afraid of them. Though incurring
their contempt he did not even so draw them into a con-
flict with him, but while they were calmly awaiting
188
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
developmeaits he attacked them suddenly and uafex- ■^■'^•^^q>
pectedly. At the point where he met them he accom-
plished nothing, because the barbarians advanced and
repelled him vigorously; but while their main force
was there, he sent some men around to the other side of
their camp, got possession of this, which was destitute
of men, and passing through it took the fighters in the
rear. In this way they were all annihilated, and the
rest, all but a few, made terms without a murmur.
This was the work of the summer. "While the r-^''' —
B. C. 55
Eomans were m wmter quarters on friendly ground {a. u. 699)
the Tencteri and Usipetes, Celtic tribes, partly because
forced out by the Suebi and partly because called upon
by the Gauls, crossed the Rhine and invaded the coun-
try of the Treveri. Finding Csesar there they became
afraid and sent to him to make a truce, asking for land
or at least the permission to take some. When they
could obtain none, at first they promised voluntarily
to return to their homes and requested an armistice.
Later their young men, seeing a few horsemen of his
approaching, despised them and altered their deter-
mination: thereupon they stopped their journey, har-
assed the small detachment, which would not await their
attack, and elated over this success continued the war.
Their elders, condemning their action, came to Caesar —48 —
even contrary to their advice and asked him to pardon
them, laying the responsibility upon a few. He de-
tained these emissaries with the assurance that he
would give them an answer before long, set out against
the other members of the tribe, who were in their tents,
and came upon them as they were passing the noon
hour and expecting no hostile demonstration, inasmuch
189
— 49 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
as the delegation was with hitn. Rushing into the
tents^ he found great numbers of infantrymen who did
not have time even to pick up their weapons, and he
cut them down near the wagons where they were dis-
turbed by the presence of the women and the children
scattered promiscuously about. The cavalry was ab-
sent at the time, and immediately, when the men learned
of the occurrence, they set out to their native abodes
and retired among the Sugambri. He sent after them
and demanded their surrender, not because he expectpd
that they would give themselves up to him (the men
beyond the Rhine were not so afraid of the Romans as
to listen to anything of that sort), but in order that on
this excuse he might cross the stream itself. He him-
self was exceedingly anxious to do something that no
one had previously equaled, and he expected to keep
the Celts at a distance from the Gauls by invading the
former's territory. When, therefore, the cavalry re-
fused to give themselves up, and the Ubii, whose land
was coterminal with the Sugambri and who were at va-
riance with them, invoked his aid, he crossed the river
by bridging it. But on finding that the Sugambri had
betaken themselves into their strongholds and that the
Suebi were gathering apparently to come to their aid,
he retired within twenty days.
The Rhine issues from the Celtic Alps, a little out-
side of Rhaetia, and proceeding westward, with Gaul
and its inhabitants on the left, it bounds the Celts on
the right, and finally empties into the ocean. This has
1 Reading airrds (as Boissevain) in preference to adrout ("upon
them").
190
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
always, even till now, been considered tlie boundary, /J^'j^'ggg,
from which they came to the difference in names, since
very anciently both the peoples dwelling on each side
of the river were called Celts.
Caesar, then, first of Romans crossed the Rhine at — 50 —
this time, and later in the consulship of Pompey and
Crassus he traversed the channel of Britain. This
country is distant from the Belgic mainland, opposite
the Morini, three hundred and fifty stades at the short-
est computation,^ and extends alongside the rest of
Gaul and nearly all of Spain, reaching out into
the sea. To the very first of the Greeks and
Romans it was not even known; to their descend-
ants it was a matter of dispute whether it was
a continent or an island. And its history was written
from both points of view by many who knew nothing
about it, because they had not seen with their own eyes
nor heard from the natives with their own ears, but
indulged in guesses according as each had leisure or
fondness for talk. As time went on, first under Agri-
cola as propraetor and now under Severus as emperor,
it has been clearly proven to be an island.
To this land then, Caesar, since he had won over the —51 —
Morini and fhe rest of Gaul was quiet, desired to cross.
He made the voyage with infantry by the most desir-
able course, but did not select the best landing-place.
For the Britons, having ascertained in advance that he
was sailing agaiast them, had secured all the landings
1 About sixty miles. It is interesting to compare here Caesar's (prob-
ably less accurate) estimate of thlrtif miles in his Gallic War
(V, 2, 3).
191
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 55 on the main coast. Accordingly, he sailed around a
{a. u. 699) ^ ""
kind of projecting headland and coasted along on the
other side of it. There he disembarked in shoal water,
conquered those who joined battle with him and got a
footing on dry land before more numerous assistance
could come, after which he repulsed their attack also.
Not many of the barbarians fell, for they had chariot
drivers, and being mounted easily escaped the Romans,
whose cavalry had not yet arrived ; but alarmed at the
reports about them from the mainland and because
they had dared to cross at all and had managed to set
foot upon the land, they sent to Caesar some of the
Morini who were friends of theirs, to see about terms
of peace. On this occasion he demanded hostages,
— 52— which they were willing to give. But as the Eomans
meanwhile began to encounter difficulties by reason of
a storm which damaged their fleet that was present
and also the one on the way, they changed their minds
and though not attacking the invaders openly (for their
camp was strongly guarded), they received some who
had been sent out to bring in provisions on the assump-
tion that the country was friendly, and destroyed them
all, save a few, to whose rescue Caesar came with speed.
After that they assaulted the very camp of the in-
vaders. Here they accomplished nothing, but fared
badly; they would not, however, make terms until they
had been often defeated. And Caesar properly did not
intend to make peace with them, but since the winter
was approaching and he was not equipped with a suffi-
cient force to continue fighting at that season, — more-
over because his supplies had failed and the Gauls in
192
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Ms absence had begua an uprising, — be somewhat un- , b. c. 55
.,,. , , , (o. u. 699)
Willingly concluded a truce with them, demanding this
time still more hostages, but obtaining only a few.
So he sailed back to the mainland and put an end to —53 —
■the disturbances. From Britain he had won nothing
for himself or for the City except the glory of having
conducted an expedition against that land. But on this
he prided himself greatly and the Eomans at home
magnified it to a remarkable degree. Seeing that the
formerly unknown had become certain and the pre-
viously unheard of accessible, they regarded the hope
arising from these facts as already realized and exulted
over their expected achievements as if the latter were
already within their grasp.
Hence they voted to celebrate a thanksgiving for
twenty days : but while that was taking place there was — 54 —
an uprising in Spain, which was consequently assigned
to Pompey's care. Some tribes had revolted and ob-
tained the help of the Vaccsei : while still unprepared
they were conquered by Metellus Nepos, but as he was
besieging Clunia they assailed him, proved themselves
his superiors, and won back the city, at another time
they were beaten, though without being enslaved or
anything like it. In fact, they so far surpassed their
opponents in numbers that Nepos was glad to remain
quiet and not run any risks.
About this same time Ptolemy, although the Eomans _55_
had voted not to assist him and were even now highly
indignant at the bribery he had instituted, was never-
theless restored and got back the kingdom. Pompey
and Gabinius effected this. So much power did oflBcial
VOL. 2.— 13 193
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 55 authority and abundance have as against the decrees
{a. u. 699) '' , -r^ i
of the people and the senate that when Pompey sent
orders to Gabinius, then governor of Syria, the latter
immediately put his army in motion. So the former
out of kindness and the latter through corrupt influ-
ence restored the king contrary to the wish of the com-
monwealth, paying no heed either to it or to the utter-
ances of the Sibyl. Gabinius was later brought to trial
for this, but on account of Pompey 's influence and the
money at his command was not convicted. Public ad-
ministration had so deteriorated among the Eomans
of that day that when some of the magistrates and
jurymen received from him only a very little of the
great bribes that he disbursed, they heeded no require-
ment of propriety, and furthermore instructed others
to commit crimes for money, showing them that they
could easily buy immunity from punishment. At this
time, consequently, Gabinius was acquitted; but he was
again brought to trial on some other charge, — chiefly;
that he had plundered more than a million from the
province, — and was convicted. This was a matter of
great surprise to him, seeing that by money he had
freed himself from the former suit ; but it was for that
reason principally that he was condemned on these
chargCiS. It was also a surprise to Pompey, because
previously he had, through his friends, rescued Ga-
binius even at a distance, but now while in the suburbs
of the city and, as you might say, in the courtroom
itself, he had accomplished nothing.
— 56 — This was the way of it. Gabinius had injured Syria
194
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
in many ways, even to the point of inflicting more dam- ^- ^- ^^^
age upon the people than had the pirates, who were
then in their prime. Still, he regarded all his gains
from that source as mere trifles and was at one time
planning and preparing to lead a campaign also
against the Parthians and their wealth. Phraates had
heen treacherously murdered by his children, and
Orodes having taken the kingdom in turn had expelled
Mithridates his brother from Media, which he was
governing. The latter took refuge with Gabinius and
persuaded him to connive at his restoration. How-
eiver, when Ptolemy came with Pompey's letter and
promised that he would furnish large sums, both to
him and the army, Gabinius abandoned the Parthian
project and hastened to Egypt. This he did although
the law forbade governors to enter any one's territory
outside their own borders or to begin wars on their
own responsibility, and although the people and the
Sibyl had declared that the man should not be restored.
But the only restraint these considerations exercised
was to lead him to sell them for a higher price. He
left iu Syria Sisenna his son, a mere boy, and a very
few soldiers with him, exposing the province to which
he had been assigned more than ever to the pirates.
He himself then reached Palestine, arrested Aristobu-
lus, who had caused some trouble at Rome and escaped,
sent him to Pompey, imposed tribute upon the Jews
and thereafter invaded Egypt.
Berenice was at this time ruling the Egyptians, and —57—
though she feared the Romans she accorded him no sat-
195
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 55 isfactory treatment. Instead, she sent for one Seleu-
(et. «. 699) "' '
cus who purported to belong to the royal race that
once had flourished in Syria, acknowledged him as her
husband and made bim sharer of the kingdom and of
the war. "When he was seen to be held in no esteem,
she had him kUled and joined to herself on the same
terms Archelaus, son of that Archelaus who had de-
serted to Sulla; he was an energetic man living in
Syria. Gabinius could, indeed, have stopped the evil
in its beginning : he had arrested Archelaus, of whom
he had been suspicious all along, and seemed likely,
therefore, to have no further trouble. He was afraid,
however, that this course might cause him to receive
from Ptolemy less of the money that had been stipu-
lated, on the assumption that he had done nothing of
importance, and he hoped that he could exact even a
larger amount in view of the cleverness and renown of
Archelaus ; moreover he received numerous other con-
tributions from the prisoner himself and so voluntarily
— 68— released him, pretending that he had escaped. Thus
he reached Pelusium without meeting opposition, and
while advancing from there with his army in two divi-
sions he encountered and conquered the Egyptians on
the same day, and after this vanquished them again on
the river with his ships and also on land. For the
Alexandrians are very apt to face everything boldly
and to speak out whatever may occur to them, but for
war and its terrors they are decidedly worthless. This
is true in spite of the fact that in seditions, which occur
among them in great numbers and of serious propor-
tions, they always become involved in slaughter, set-
196
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
ting no value upon life as compared with the rivalry , ^- ^-f:"!,,
-^ ^ •' (a. u. 699)
of the moment, but pursuing destruction in such quar-
rels as if it were a most necessary prize. So Gabinius
conquered them, and after slaying Archelaus and many
others he immediately gained control of all Egypt and
delivered it over to Ptolemy.
Now Ptolemy killed his daughter and the foremost
and richest of the other citizens, because he had much
need of money. Gabinius after restoring him in this — 59 —
fashion sent no message home about what he had done,
in order not to give them information against himself
of his transgressions of the law. But it was not possi-
ble for a proceeding of such magnitude to be concealed.
The people learned it directly, for the Syrians cried out
loudly against Gabinius, especially since in his absence
they were terribly abused by the pirates; and again
the tax collectors, being unable to levy taxes on account
of the marauders, were owing numerous sums. This
enraged the populace: they passed resolutions and
were ready to condemn him. Cicero attacked him vig-
orously and advised them to read again the Sibylline
verses, expecting that there was contained in them
some punishment, in case their injunctions should be
transgressed. Pompey and Crassus were still consuls, — eo —
and the former acted as his own interests dictated,
while the latter was for pleasing his colleague and also
soon received money sent him by Gabinius. Thus they
openly justified his conduct, calling Cicero among
other names " exile," and would not put the question
to a vote. "When, however, they had ended their ofi&ce, , ^- ^- £1,
' . . [a. u. 700)
and Lucius Domitius and Appius Claudius became
197
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 54 their successors, once more many resolutions were pub-
Co. «. 700)
lislied and the majority proved to be against Grabinius.
Domitius was hostile to Pompey on account of the lat-
ter 's canvass and because he had been appointed consul
contrary to his wish. Claudius, although a relative of
Pompey 's, still wished to play the game of politics and
indulge the people, and furthermore he expected to
get bribes from Gabinius, if he should cause him any
imeasiness. So both worked in every way against him.
The following fact, also, militated strongly against
him; that he had not received a certain lieutenant sent
in advance by Crassus to succeed him in the office, but
held fast to the position as if he had obtained an eternal
sovereignty. They decided, therefore, that the verse of
the Sibyl should be read, in spite of Pompey 's opposi-
— 81— tion. Meantime the Tiber, perhaps because excessive
rains took place somewhere up the stream above the
city, or because a violent wind from the sea beat back
its outgoing tide, or still more probably, by the act of
some Divinity, suddenly rose so high as to inundate all
the lower levels in the city and to overwhelm much even
of the higher ground. The houses, therefore, being
constructed of brick, were soaked through and washed
away, while all the cattle perished under water. And
of the men all who did not take refuge betimes on
very high points were caught, some in their dwellings,
some on the streets, and lost their lives. The remain-
ing houses, too (because the evil lasted for many days),
became rotten and injured some persons at once and
others afterward. The Romans, distressed at such
calamities and expecting others worse because, as they
198
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
thought, Heaven had become angry with them for the ^'^'fL.
restoration of Ptolemy, were urgent to put Gabinius
to death even while absent, believing that they would bo
harmed less if they should destroy him with speed. So
insistent were they that although nothing about pun-
ishment was found in the Sibylline oracles, still the
senate passed a preliminary resolution that the gov-
ernors and populace might accord him very bitter and
harsh treatment.
"While this was going on, money sent ahead by Ga- —62 —
binius caused by its very presence a setback to his
interests though he was not only absent but not even
on his way home. And, indeed, he was placed by his
conscience in such a wretched and miserable condition
that he long delayed coming to Italy, and was conveyed
to his house by night, and for a considerable number
of days did not dare to appear outside of his house.
Complaints were many and he had abundance of ac-
cusers. Accordingly, he was first tried for the restora-
tion of Ptolemy, as his greatest offence. Practically
the entire populace surged into the courthouse and
often wished to tear him to pieces, particularly because
Pompey was not present and Cicero accused him with
fearful earnestness. Though this was their attitude,
he was acquitted. For he himself, appreciating the
gravity of the charges on which he was tried, expended
vast simis of money, and the companions of Pompey
and Caesar very willingly aided him, declaring that a
different time and different king were meant by the
Sybil, and, most important of all, that no punishment
for his deeds were recorded in her verses.
199
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
— 63— The populace, therefore, came near killing the jury-
la. m-'too) men, but, when they escaped, turned their attention to
the remaining complaints against him and caused him to
be convicted at least on those. The men who were
chosen by lot to pass judgment on the charges both
feared the people and likewise obtained but little from
Gabinius ; knowing that his conduct in minor matters
only was being investigated and expecting to win this
time also he did not lay out much. Hence they
condemned him, in spite of Pompey's proximity
and Cicero's advocacy of his cause. Pompey had
left town to attend to the grain, much of which
had been ruined by the river, but set out with
the intention of attending the first court, — for
he was in Italy, — and, as he missed that, did not
retire from the suburbs until the other was also
finished. He had the people assemble outside the
pomerium, since, as he held already the office of pro-
consul, he was not allowed to enter the town^ and ha-
rangued them at length in behalf of Gabinius, reading
to them a letter sent to him by Caesar in the man's be-
half. He even implored the jurymen, and not only
prevented Cicero from accusing him again but actually
persuaded him to plead for him ; as a result the deroga-
tory epithet of " deserter " became widely applied to
the orator. However, he did Gabinius no good: the
latter was at this time convicted and exiled, as stated,
but was later restored by Caesar.
— 64 — At this same time the wife of Pompey died, after giv-
ing birth to a baby girl. And whether by the arrange-
200
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
uaent of Caesar's friends and his or because there were
some who wished on general principles to do them a
favor, they caught up the body, as soon as she had re-
ceived proper eulogies in the Forum, and buried it in
the Campus Martins. The opposition of Domitius and
his declaration (among others) that it was impious for
any one to be buried in the sacred spot without some
decree proved of no avail.
At this season Gains Pomptinus also celebrated the —65-
triumph over the Gauls. Up to that time, as no one
granted him the right to hold it, he had remained out-
side the pomerium. And he would have missed it then,
too, had not Servius Galba, who had made a campaign
with him, granted as praetor secretly and just before
dawn to certain persons the privilege of voting : — this,
in spite of the fact that it is not permitted by law for
any business to be transacted in the popular assembly
before the first hour. For this reason some of the
tribunes, who had been left out of the meeting, caused
him trouble (at least, in the procession), so that there
was some killing.
201
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
40
203
The following is contained in the Fortieth of Bio's Rome.
How CsBsar for the second time sailed across into Britain
^chapters 1-3.)
How Csesar turned back from Britain and again engaged
in war with the Gauls (chapters 4-11).
How Crassus began to carry on war with the Parthiana
(chapters 12, 13).
About the Parthians (chapters 14, 15).
How Crassus was defeated by them and perished (chap-
ters 16-30).
How Caesar subjugated the whole of Transalpine Gaul
(chapters 31-43).
How Milo killed Clodius and was condemned by the court
(chapters 44-57).
How Caesar and Pompey began to be at variance (chapters
68-66).
Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Domitius and
Appius Claudius, together with four additional years, in which there
were the following magistrates here enumerated.
Cn. Domitius M. p. Calvinus, M. Valerius j| M!essala.||l
(B. 0. 53 = a. u. 701.)
II Cn. Pompeius ]| Cn. p. Magnus (III), Csecilius Me-
tellus Soipio ISTasicse f. (B. C. 52 = a. u. 702.)
Servius Sulpicius Q. f. Rufus, M. Claudius M. f.
Marcellus. (B. C. 51 = a. u. 703.)
L. ^milius M. f. Paulus, || C. Claudius C. f. Mar-
cellus. || (B. C. 50 = a.u. 704.)
204
(BOOK 40, BOISSEVAIN.)
These were the occurrences in Rome while the city — i —
'' B. C. 54
was passing through its seven hundredth year. In Gaul (a. «. 7oo)
Caesar during the year of those same consuls, Lucius
Domitius and Appius Claudius, among other undertak-
ings constructed ships of a style halfway between his
own swift vessels and the native ships of burden, en-
deavoring to make them as light as possible and yet
entirely seaworthy, and he left them on dry land to
avoid injury. When the weather became fit for sailing,
he crossed over again to Britain, giving as his excuse
that the people of that country, thinking that he would
never cross to them again because he had once retired
empty-handed, had not sent all the hostages they had
promised; the truth of the matter was that he vehe-
mently coveted the island, so that he would have cer-
tainly found some other pretext, if this had not been in
existence. He came to land at the same place as before,
no one daring to oppose him because of the number of
his ships and his approaching the shore at all points at
once; thus he got possession of the harbor immediately.
The barbarians for the reasons specified had not been — 2 —
able to hinder his approach and being far more afraid
than before, because he had come with a larger army,
carried away all their most valued possessions into the
most woody and overgrown portions of the neighboring
country. After they had put them in safety by cutting
down the surrounding wood and piling more upon it
row after row imtil the whole looked like an entrenched
205
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 54 camp, they proceeded to annoy Eoman foraging par-
ties. Indeed, in one battle after being defeated on
open ground they drew the invaders toward that spot
in pursuit, and killed many of them. Soon after, as a
storm had once more damaged the ships, the Britons
sent for allies and set out against their naval arsenal
itself, with Casuvellaunus, regarded as the foremost of
the chiefs in the island, at their head. The Eomans
upon meeting them were at first thrown into confusion
by the attack of their chariots, but later opened ranks,
and by letting them pass through and striking the oc-
cupants obliquely as they drove by, made the battle
— 3— equal. For the time being both parties remained
where they were. At another meeting the barbarians
proved superior to the infantry, but were damaged by
the cavalry and withdrew to the Thames, where they
encamped after planting stakes across the ford, some
visible and some under water. But Caesar by a power-
ful assault forced them to leave the palisade and later
on by siege drove them from the fort, and others re-
pulsed a party of theirs that attacked the harbor. They
then became terrified and made terms, giving hostages
and being rated for a yearly tribute.
— 4— Under these circumstances Caesar departed entirely
from the island and left no body of troops behind in it.
He believed that such a force would be in danger while
passing the winter on a foreign shore and that it might
be inconvenient for him to absent himself from Gaul
for any considerable period : hence he was satisfied with
his present achievements, in the fear that if he reached
206
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
for more, lie might be deprived of these. It seemed , ^■^•^*,
. {a- «• 700)
that in this he had done rightly, as was, indeed, proved
by what took place. For when he had gone to Italy, in-
tending to winter there, the Gauls, though each sep-
arate nation contained many garrisons, still planned
resistance and some of them openly revolted. So if
this had happened while he was staying in Britain to
finish the winter season, all the hither regions would
have oeen a scene of confusion indeed.
This war was begun by the Eburones, imder Am-" — 5 —
biorix as chief. They said the disturbance was due to
their being oppressed by the presence of the Eomans,
who were commanded by Sabinus and Lucius Cotta,
lieutenants. As a matter of fact they despised the gar-
rison, thinking they would not prove competent to de-
fend themselves and expecting that Caesar would not
speedily head an expedition against their tribe. They
accordingly came upon the soldiers unawares, expect-
ing to take the camp without striking a blow, and, when
they failed of this, had recourse to deceit. Ambiorix
after setting ambuscades in the most suitable spots
came to the Eomans for a parley and represented that
he had taken part in the war against his will and was
himself sorry. But against the others he advised them
to be on their guard, for his compatriots would not
obey him and were intending to attack the garrison at
night. Consequently he made the suggestion to them
that they should abandon Eburonia, because they would
be in danger, if they stayed, and pass on as quickly as
possible to where some of their comrades were winter-
207
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
~ ^ "7 ing near by. The Eomans were persuaded by this dis-
(o. u. 700) closure, especially as he had received many favors
from Caesar and seemed in this to be repaying him in
kindness. They packed up their belongings with zeal
just after nightfall and later^ started out, but fell into
the ambush set and suffered a terrible reverse. Cotta
with many others perished immediately: Sabinus was
sent for by Ambiorix under the pretext of saving him,
for the Gallic leader was not on the ground and even
then seemed faithful to him personally; on his arrival,
however, Ambiorix seized him, stripped him of his
arms and clothing, and then struck him down with his
javelin, utteriug boasts over him, one to this effect:
* ' How can such creatures as you are have the idea of
ruling a nation of our strength? " This was the fate
that these men suffered. The rest managed to break
through to the fortress from which they had set out,
but when the barbarians assailed that, too, and they
could neither repel them nor escape, they killed one
another.
— 7 — After this event some other of the neighboring tribes
revolted, among them the Nervii, though Quintus
Cicero, a brother of Marcus Cicero and lieutenant of
Caesar, was wintering in their territory. Ambiorix ad-
ded them to his force and began a conflict with Cicero.
The contest was close, and after capturing some pris-
oners alive the chieftain tried to deceive him likewise,
but being unable to do so resorted to siege. Before
long by means of his large force and the experience
iThe exact time, daybreak, is indicated in Caesar's Gillie War,
V, 31, 6.
208
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
"whicli he had gained from the campaign that he made ^- ^v^i,.
with the Eomans, together with some detailed informa-
tion that he obtained from the captives, he managed to
enclose him with a palisade and ditch. There were
battles, as natural in such operations, — many of them,
— and far larger numbers of barbarians perished, be-
cause there were more of them. They, however, by
reason of their abundant army were never in sight of
destruction, whereas the Eomans, not being many in
the first place, kept continually growing fewer and were
encompassed without difficulty. They were unable to — 8 —
treat their wounds with success through lack of the
necessary applications, and did not have a large supply
of food, because they had been besieged unexpectedly.
No one came to their aid, though many were wintering
at no great distance, for the barbarians guarded the
roads with care and all who were sent out they caught
and slaughtered before the eyes of their friends. As
they were therefore in danger of being captured, a
Nervian who was friendly to them as the result of
kindness shown and at this time was besieged with
Cicero, presented them with a slave of his to send as a
messenger through the lines. Because of his dress and
his native speech he would be able to associate with the
enemy as one of their number, without attracting no-
tice, and after that he could depart. In this way Caesar — 9 —
learned of what was taking place (he had not yet gone
to Italy but was still on the way), and, turning back,
he took with him the soldiers in the winter establish-
ments through which he passed, and pressed rapidly
VOL. 2.— 14 209
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^' ^"fl^ on. Meanwhile being afraid that Cicero in despair of
(o. «. 700) ° . ^
assistance might suffer disaster or capitulate, he sent
forward a horseman. He did not trust the servant of
the Nervian, in spite of having received an actual proof
of his good will : he was afraid that he might pity his
countrymen and work him some great evil. So he sent
a horseman of the allies who knew their dialect and
had dressed himself in their garb. And in order that
even he might not voluntarily or involuntarily reveal
the secret he gave him no verbal message and wrote to
Cicero in Greek all the injunctions that he wished to
give, in order that even if the letter should be captured,
it might still be incomprehensible to the barbarians and
afford them no information. He had also the custom
as a usual thing, when he was sending a secret order
to any one, to write constantly the fourth letter beyond,
instead of the proper one, so that the writing might be
unintelligible to most persons. The horseman reached
the camp of the Romans, but not being able to come
close up to it he fastened the letter to a small javelin
and hurled it into the enemy's ranks, fixing it purposely
in a tower. Thus Cicero, on learning of the advent of
— 10 — CsBsar, took courage and held out more stubbornly. The
barbarians for a long time knew nothing of the assist-
ance he was bringing; he journeyed by night, lying by
day in most obscure places, so as to fall upon them as
far as possible unawares. At last from the unnatural
cheerfulness of the besieged they suspected it and sent
out scouts. Learning from them that Csesar was at last
drawing near they set out against him, thinking to at-
tack him while off his guard. He received advance in-
210
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
formation of this movement aoad remained where he ^^'^'^qq)
was that night, but just before dawn took up a strong
position. There he encamped apparently with the ut-
most haste, for the purpose of appearing to have only
a few followers, to have suffered from the journey, to
fear their onset, and by this plan to draw them to the
higher ground. And so it proved. Their contempt for
him led them to charge up hill, and they met with such
a severe defeat that they committed not another war-
like act.
In this way both they and all the rest were at that — ii —
time subdued; they did not, however, feel kindly to-
ward the Romans. The Treveri, indeed, when Caesar
sent for the principal men^ of each tribe and punished
them, through fear that they, too, might be called upon
to pay the penalty assumed again a hostile attitude,
lending an attentive ear to the persuasions of Indutio-
marus. They led some others who feared the same
treatment to revolt and headed an expedition against
Titus Labienus, who was among the Remi, but were
annihilated in an imexpected sally made by the
Romans.
This was what took place in Gaul, and Caesar win- — la —
tered there so as to be able to keep strict control of af-
fairs. Crassus, desiring for his part to accomplish
something that would confer some glory and profit
upon him, made a campaign against the Parthians,
since after consideration he saw no such opportunity
in Syria, where the people were quiet and the officers
1 Compare Csssar's Gallic War, V, 54, 1.
211
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 54 y/iio iiad formerly warred against the Eomans were by
{a. u. 700) .
reason of their impotency causing no disturbance. He
had no complaint to bring against the Parthians nor
had war been decreed, but he heard that they were ex-
ceeding wealthy and expected that Orodes would be
easy to capture, because but newly established. There-
fore he crossed the Euphrates and proceeded to tra-
verse a considerable portion of Mesopotamia, devastat-
ing and ravaging the country. As his crossing was un-
expected by the barbarians no strong guard had been
placed at that point. Silaces, then governor of that
region, was quickly defeated near Ichnai, a fortress so
named, after contending with a few horsemen. He was
wounded and retired to report personally to the king
— 13— the Romans' invasion: Crassus quickly got possession
of the garrisons and especially the Greek cities, among
them one named Nicephorium. Many of the Macedoni-
ans and of the rest that fought for the Parthians were
Greek colonists, oppressed by violence, and not unwill-
ingly transferred their allegiance to the Romans, who,
they strongly hoped, would be favorable to the Greeks.
The inhabitants of Zenodotium, pretending a willing-
ness to revolt, sent for some of the invaders, but when
they were within the town cut them off and killed them,
for which act they were driven from their homes. Out-
side of this Crassus for the time being neither inflicted
nor received any serious harm. He certainly would
have subdued the other regions beyond the Tigris, if
he had followed up the advantage from his own attack
and the barbarians' panic equally in all respects, and
had he wintered furthermore where he was, keeping
212
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
a sharp lookout on their behavior. As it turned out, he B. c. 54
captured only what he could seize by sudden assault
and paid no heed to the rest nor to the people them-
selves, but wearied by his stay in Mesopotamia and
longing for the indolence of Syria he afforded the Par-
thians time to prepare themselves and to injure the
soldiers left behind in their country.
This was the beginning that the Eomans made of war — 14 —
against them. They dwell beyond the Tigris, possess-
ing for the most part forts and garrisons, but also a
few cities, among them Ctesiphon, in which there is a
palace. Their stock was very likely in existence among
the original barbarians and they had this same name
even under the Persian rule. But at that time they
inhabited only a small portion of the country and had
not obtained any transmontane sovereignty. When the
Persian kingdom had been destroyed and that of the
Macedonians had reached its prime, and then the suc-
cessors of Alexander had quarreled one with another,
cutting off separate portions for their own and
setting up individual monarchies, this land then first
attained prominence under a certain Arsaces^ from
whom their succeeding rulers have received the titl©
of Arsacidse. By good fortune they acquired all the
neighboring territory, kept control of Mesopotamia by
means of satrapies, and finally axivanced to so great
glory and power as to fight against the Eomans at that
period and to be considered worthy antagonists up to
the present time.^ They are really formidable in war-
fare and possess the greater reputation, in spite of
1 cp. LXXX, 3.
213
— 15 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^-^-^^n. never having gained anything from the Eomans and
\ (It U* YOU )
having parted with certain portions of their own do-
main, because they have not yet been enslaved, but even
now carry wars against us to the end, whenever they
get into conflicts. About their race and their country
and the peculiarities of their customs many persons
have spoken, and I have no intention of compiling an
account. But it is fair to mention in what follows their
equipment of arms, and the way they handle a war:
the examiaation of these details properly concerns the
present narrative, since it here needs to introduce
them. The Parthians make no use of a shield, but their
forces consist of mounted archers and pike-bearers,
mostly in full armor. Their infantry is small^ made
up of the weaker persons ; hence it may be said they are
all archers. They practice from boyhood, and the sky
and the country cooperate with them for two good
ends. The latter, being for the most part level, is excel-
lent for raising horses and very suitable for riding over
with horses. Therefore even in war the people lead
about whole droves so that they can use some horses at
one place and others at another, can ride up suddenly
from a distance and also retire to a distance speedily.
The sky above them, too, which is very dry and con-
tains not the least moisture, affords them perfect op-
portunity for archery, except in the winter. For that
reason they mate no campaigns in any direction dur-
ing the winter season. But the rest of the year they are
almost invincible in their own country and in any that
has similar characteristics. By long custom they can
214
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
endure the sun, wMch. is very scorching, and they have .^'^'^qq^
discovered many remedies for the scantiness and dif-
ficulty of a supply of drink, — a fact which is a help to
them in repelling without difficulty the invaders of their
land. Outside of this district and beyond the Euphra- «
tes they have once or twice exercised some sway by
battles and sudden incursions, but to fight with any
nation continuously, without stopping, is not in their
power, when they encounter an entirely different con-
dition of land and sky and have no supplies of either
food or pay.
Such is the Parthian state. Crassus, as has been — 16 —
stated, invaded Mesopotamia and Orodes sent envoys
to him in Syria to censure him for the invasion and ask
the causes of the war; he sent also Surena with an
army to the captured and revolted sections. He him-
self had in mind to lead an expedition against Armenia,
which had once belonged to Tigranes, in order that
Artabazes, son of Tigranes, the king of the land at that
time, should, through fear for his own domains, send
no assistance to the Romans. Now Crassus said that
he would tell him in Seleucia the causes of the war.
(This is a city in Mesopotamia having even at the
present day chiefly a Greek population.) And one of
the Parthians, bringing down upon the palm of his left
hand the fingers of the other, exclaimed: " More
quickly will hair grow herein, than you will reach
Seleucia."
And when the winter set in,^ in which Gnaeus Cal- — 17 —
B. C. 53
1 Verb supplied by Keiske. <"• "• '^<'l)
215
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 53 vinus and Valerius MessaJa became consuls, many por-
tents occurred even in Rome itself. Owls and wolves
were seen, prowling dogs did damage, some sacred
statues exuded sweat and others were destroyed by
lightning. The offices, partly through rivalry but
chiefly by reason of birds and omens, were with diffi-
culty filled at last in the seventh month. Those signs,
however, gave no clear indication as to what the event
would be. For affairs in the City were in turmoil, the
Grauls had risen again, and, though the Romans knew
it not as yet, they had broken into war against the
Parthians : but to Crassus signs that were both evident
and easy to interpret appeared as he was crossing the
Euphrates opposite Zeugma.* That spot has been so
called from the campaign of Alexander, because he
— 18— crossed at this point. The omens were of the following
nature. There is a small shrine and in it a golden
eagle, which is found iu all the legions that are on the
register, and it never moves from the winter-quarters
except the whole army goes forth on some errand. One
man carries it on a long shaft, which ends in a sharp
spike for the purpose of setting it firmly in the ground.
Now of these so-called eagles one was unwilling to join
him in his passage of the Euphrates at that time, but
stuck fast in the earth as if planted until many took
their places around it and pulled it out by force, so
that it accompanied even Involuntarily. But one of
the large standards, that resemble sheets, with purple
letters upon them to distinguish the division and its
2 "Zeugma" signifies a ''fastening together" (of boats or other ma-
terial) to make a bridge.
216
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
commander, turned about and fell from the bridge into , ^- C 53
.1 . „, . («■ «• 701)
tne nver. This happened in the midst of a violent
wind. Then Crassus, who had the rest of equal length
cut down, so as to be shorter and consequently steadier
to carry, only increased the prodigies. In the very
passage of the river so great a mist enshrouded the
soldiers that they fell over one another and could see
nothing of the enemy's country until they set foot upon
it : and the sacrifices both for crossing and for landing
proved very unfavorable. Meantime a great wind
burst upon them, bolts of lightning fell, and the bridge,
before they had all passed over, was destroyed. The
occurrences were such that any one, even if extremely
ignorant and uninstructed, would interpret them to
mean that they would fare badly and not return. Hence
there was great fear and dejection in the army. Cras-
sus, trying to encourage them, said : " Be not alarmed,
fellow soldiers, that the bridge has been destroyed nor
think because of this that any disaster is portended.
For I declare to you upon oath that I have decided to
make my return march through Armenia." By this
he would have emboldened them, had he not at the end
added in a loud voice the words : " Be of good cheer :
for none of you shall come back this way. ' ' When they
heard this, the soldiers deemed that it, no less than the
rest, had been a portent for them, and fell into greater
discouragement; and so it was that they paid no heed
to the remainder of his exhortation, in which he be-
littled the barbarian and glorified the Roman State, of-
fered them money and announced prizes for valor.
217
— 19 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 53 Still, even so, they followed and no one said a word or
{a. u. 701) y ! J . , , -
committed an act to oppose nmi, partly by reason of
th.e law, but further because they were terrified and
could neither plan nor carry out any measures of
safety. In all other respects, too, as if predestined to
ruin by some Divinity, they deteriorated both in mind
and body.
— 20 — Nevertheless, the greatest injury was done them by
Abgarus of Osrhoene. He had pledged himself to peace
with the Eomans in the time of Pompey, but now chose
the side of the barbarians. The same was done by Al-
chaudonius the Arabian, who always attached himself
to the stronger party. The latter, however, revolted
openly, and hence was not hard to guard against. Ab-
garus favored the Parthian cause, but pretended to be
well disposed toward Crassus. He spent money for
him unsparingly, learned all his plans (which he re-
ported to the foe), and further, if any course was ex-
cellent for the Eomans he tried to divert him from it,
but if disadvantageous, to urge him to it. At last he
was responsible for the following occurrence. Crassus
was intending to advance to Seleucia by such a route
as to reach there safely along the side of the Euphrates
and on its stream, with his army and provisions. Ac-
companied by the people of that city, whom he hoped
to win over easily, because they were Greeks, he could
cross without difficulty to Ctesiphon. Abgarus caused
him to give up this course, on the ground that it would
take a long time, and persuaded him to assail Surena,
because the latter was near and had only a few men.
218
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Then, wlieii he had arranged matters so that the in- —21 —
vader should perish and the other should conquer (for b. c. 53
he was continually in the company of Surena, on the
pretext of spying) , he led out the Eomans, blinded by
folly, to what he said was a victory in their very hands,
and in the midst of the action joined the attack against
them.
It happened like this. The Parthians confronted the
Eomans with most of their army hidden; the ground
was xmeven in spots and wooded. Crassus seeing them
— not Crassus the commander, but the younger, who
had come to his father from Graul, — and despising
them (supposing them to be alone), led out his cavalry
and, as they turned purposely to flight, pursued them.
In his eagerness for victory he was separated far from
his phalanx, and was then caught in a trap and cut
down. When this took place the Eoman infantry did —28 —
not turn back, but valiantly joined battle with the Par-
thians to avenge his death. They accomplished noth-
ing worthy of themselves, however, because of the
enemy's numbers and tactics, especially as they suf-
fered from the plotting of Abgarus. If they decided to
lock shields for the purpose of avoiding the arrows by
the density of their array, the pike-bearers were upon
them with a rush, would strike down some, and at least
scatter the others: and if they stood apart, so as to
turn these aside, they would be shot with arrows.
Hereupon many died from fright at the very charge
of the pike-bearers, and many hemmed in by the horse-
men perished. Others were upset by the pikes or were
carried off transfixed. The missUes falling thick upon
219
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 53 them from all sides at once struck down many by an op-
(o. u. 701) •' •' ^
portune blow, put many out of the battle, and caused
annoyance to all. They flew into their eyes and pierced
their hands and all the other parts of the body and,
penetrating their armor, forced them to take off their
protection and expose themselves to wounds each
minute. Thus, while a man was guarding agaiast ar-
rows or pulling out one that had stuck fast he received
more wounds, one upon another. Consequently it was
not feasible for them to move, nor feasible to remain
at rest. Neither course afforded them safety, and both
were fraught with destruction, the one because it was
out of their power, and the other because they were
— 23— more easily wounded. This was what they suffered
while they were fighting only against visible enemies.
Abgarus did not immediately make his attempt upon
them. When he, too, attacked, the Orshoeni themselves
struck the Eomans from behind in exposed places while
they were facing in a different direction, and rendered
them easier for the others to slaughter. For the Eo-
mans, altering their formation, so as to be facing them,
put the Parthians behind them. They wheeled around
again against the Parthians, then back again against
the Orshoeni, then against the Parthians once more.
Thrown into still greater confusion by this circum-
stance, because they were continually changing posi-
tion this way and that and were forced to face the body
that was wounding them at the time, many fell upon
their own swords or were killed by their comrades.
Finally they were shut up in so narrow a place, with
220
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the enemy continually assaulting them from all sides at b. c. 53
once, and compelled to protect their exposed parts by
the shields of those who stood beside them, that they
could no longer move. They could not even get a sure
footing by reason of the number of corpses, but kept
falling over them. The heat and thirst — it was mid-
summer and this action took place at noon — and the
dust, of which all the barbarians raised as much as
possible by riding around them, told fearfully upon the
survivors, and many succumbed to these influences, even
though unwounded. And they would have perished ut- — 24 —
terly, but for the fact that some of the pikes of the
barbarians were bent and others were broken, while the
bowstrings snapped under the constant shootings the
missiles were all discharged, every sword blunted, and,
chief of all, that the men themselves grew weary of the
slaughter. Under these conditions, then, when it grew
night the assailants being obliged to ride off to a dis-
tance retired. They never encamp near even the weak-
est bodies, because they use no intrenchments and if
any one comes upon them in the darkness, they are un-
able to deploy their cavalry or their archery to ad-
vantage. However, they captured no Eoman alive at
that* time. Seeing them standing upright in their
armor and perceiving that no one threw away any part
of it or fled, they deemed that they still had some
strength, and feared to lay hold of them.
So Crassus and the rest, as many as could, set out for — 25 —
Carrse, kept faithful to them by the Eomans that had
stayed behind within the walls. Many of the wounded
being unable to walk and lacking vehicles or even men
221
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 53 ^Q carry them (for the survivors were glad of the mere
(a. u. 701) J \ o
chance to drag their own persons away) remained on
the spot. Some of them died of their wounds or by
making away with themselves, and others were cap-
tured the next day. Of the captives many perished on
the road, as their physical strength gave out, and many
later because they were imable to obtain proper care
inunediately. Crassus, in discouragement, believed he
would be unable to hold out safely even in the city any
longer, but planned flight at once. Since it was impos-
sible for him to go out by day without being detected,
he undertook to escape by night, but failed to secure
secrecy, being betrayed by the moon, which was at its
full. The Eomans accordingly waited for moonless
nights, and then starting out in darkness and a foreign
land that was likewise hostUe, they scattered in tremen-
dous fear. Some were caught when it became day and
lost their lives : others got safely away to Syria in the
company of Cassius Longinus, the quaestor. Others,
with Crassus himself, sought the mountains and pre-
_26— pared to escape through them into Armenia. Surena,
learning this, was afraid that if they could reach any
headquarters they might make war on him again, but
stUl was xmwilling to assail them on the higher ground,
which was inaccessible to horses. As they were heavy-
armed men, fighting from higher ground, and in a kind
of frenzy, through despair, contending with them was
not easy. So he sent to them, inviting them to submit
to a truce, on condition of abandoning all territory east
of the Euphrates. Crassus, nothing wavering, trusted
222
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
him. He was in the height of terror and distraught by /^'J^'yon
his private misfortune and the public calamity as well ;
and because, further, he saw that the soldiers shrank
from the journey (which they thought long and rough)
and that they feared Orodes, he was unable to foresee
anything that he ought. When he displayed acquies-
cence in the matter of the truce, Surena refused to con-
duct the ceremony through the agency of others, but in
order to cut him off with only a few and seize him, he
said that he wished to hold a conference with the com-
mander personally. Thereupon they decided to meet
each other in the space between the two armies with an
equal number of men from both sides. Crassus de-
scended to the level ground and Surena sent him a pres-
ent of a horse, to make sure of his coming to him more
quickly. While Crassus was thus delaying and plan- —27 —
ning what he should do, the barbarians took him
forcibly and threw him on his horse. Meanwhile the
Romans also laid hold of him, they came to blows, and
for a time carried on an equal struggle ; then aid came
to the kidnapers, and they prevailed. The barbarians,
who were in the plaiu and were prepared beforehand,
were too quick for the Eomans above to help their
men. Crassus fell among the rest, whether he was
slain by one of his own men to prevent his capture
alive, or whether by the enemy because he was wounded
anyway. This was his end. And the Parthians, as
some say, poured gold into his mouth in mockery; for
though a man of great wealth he was so eager for
money as to pity those who could not support an en-
223
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 53 rolled legion from their own means, regarding them as
{a. «. 701) ° 7 o o
poor men. Of the soldiers the majority escaped
through the mountains to friendly territory, but a frac-
tion fell into the hands of the enemy.
— 28— The Parthians at this time did not advance beyond
B. C. 52 ''
(a. u. 702) the Euphrates, but won back the whole country east
of it. Later they also (though not in any numbers)
invaded Syria, because the province had neither gen-
eral nor soldiers. The fact that there were not many
of them enabled Cassius easily to effect their repulse.
When at Carrse the soldiers through hatred of Cras-
sus granted to Cassius absolute control of themselves,
and the commander himself on account of the great-
ness of the disaster voluntarily allowed it, but Cassius
would not accept it: now, however, he took charge of
Syria perforce, for the time being and subsequently.
For the barbarians would not keep away from it, but
campaigned once more against them with a larger band
and under the nominal leadership of one Pacorus by
name, the son of Orodes, though under the real direc-
tion of Osaces (for the other was still a child). They
came as far as Antioch, subduing the whole country be-
fore them. They had hopes of subjugating also what
remained, since the Eomans were not at hand with a
force fit to cope with them, and the people were fretting
under Eoman rule but ready to turn to the invaders,
who were neighbors and acquaintances.
— 29— As they failed to take Antioch, where Cassius re-
pulsed them severely and they were unable to institute
any siege, they turned to Antigonea. The neighbor-
224
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
hood of the city was overgrown with wood and they /^- ^-^v
were dismayed, not beiag able to march into it. They
then formed a plan to cut down the trees and lay bare
the whole place so that they might approach the town
with boldness and safety. Finding themselves unable
to do this, because the task was a great one and their
time was spent in vara, while Cassius harassed those
scattered about, they retired apparently with the in-
tention of proceeding against some other position.
Meanwhile Cassius set an ambush on the road along
which they were to depart, and confronting them there
with a few men he induced them to pursue, led them
into the trap, and kUled Osaces and others. Upon the
latter 's death Pacorus abandoned all of Syria and
never invaded it again.
He had scarcely retired when Bibulus arrived to — so —
govern Syria. His coming, to be sure, was in contra-
vention of a decree intended to prevent rivalry for of-
fice, so productive of seditions, that no praetor nor con-
sul, at once or at any time withia four years, should go
abroad to hold office. He administered the subject
country in peace, and turned the Parthians against one
another. Having won the friendship of Orondapates,
a satrap, who had a grudge agaiast Orodes, he per-
suaded him through messengers to set up Pacorus as
king, and with him to conduct a campaign against the
other.
This war came to an end in the fourth year from the B. c. 51
time when it had begun, and while Marcus MarceUus '^"' "' ^''^^
and Sulpicius Euf us were consuls. In that same period — 31 —
Caesar by battle again gained control of Gallic affairs,
VOL. 2.— 15 225
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 51 virliich were in an unsettled state. He accomplished
(a. u. 703) '^
very much himself and some things through his lieuten-
ants, of which I will state only the most important.
Ambiorix won the confidence of the Treveri, who at
/ ^' ^'rr^^is this time were still smarting under the setback of Indu-
ce, u. 700) . <=
tiomarus's death, raised a greater conspiracy in that
quarter, and sent for a mercenary force from the CeltiE.
Labienus wishing to join issue with them before this
last contingent should be added to their number in-
vaded the coxmtry of the Treveri in advance. The lat-
ter did not defend themselves, as they were awaiting
reinforcements, but put a river between the two armies
and remained quiet. Labienus then gathered his sol-
diers and addressed them in words of such a nature as
were likely to alarm his own men and encourage the
others : they must, he said, before the Celtse repelled
them, withdraw to Caesar and safety; and he immedi-
ately gave the signal to pack up the baggage. Not
much later he began actually to withdraw, expecting
that that would occur which really did. The barbarians
heard of his speech, — they took very good care in such
matters and it was for just that reason that it had been
delivered publicly, — and thought he was really afraid
and truly taking to flight. Hence they eagerly crossed
the river and started toward the Eomans with spirit,
as fast as each one could. So Labienus received their
attack while they were scattered, and after terrifying
the foremost easily routed the rest because of the
action of the men in front. Then as they were fleeing
in disorder, falling over one another and crowding to-
ward the river, he killed many of them.
226
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Not a few of them escaped even so, of whom Caesar — ?p ~
B. C. 53
made no account, except of Ambiorix : this man by hur- ,(». u. 701 )
rying now one way and now another and doing much
injury caused Caesar trouble in seeking and pursuing
him. Not being able to catch him by any device the
Roman commander made an expedition agaiast the
Celtae, alleging that they had wished to help the
Treveri. On this occasion likewise he accomplished
nothing, but retired rapidly through fear of the Suebi :
he gained the reputation, however, of having crossed
the Rhine again, and of the bridge he destroyed only
the portions near the barbarians, constructing upon it a
guard-house, as if he might at any time have a desire
to cross. Then, in anger at the successful flight of Am-
biorix, he delivered his country, though guilty of no re^
bellion, to any one who wished, to be plundered. He
gave public notice of this in advance, that as many as
possible might assemble, wherefore many G-auls and
many Sugambri came for the plunder. It did not suf-
fice the Sugambri, however, to make spoil of Gallic
territory, but they attacked the Eomans themselves.
They watched until the Eomans were absent getting
provender and made an attempt upon their camp ; but
meanwhile the other soldiers, perceiving it, came to the
rescue and killed a number of the assailants. Inspired
with a fear of Caesar by this encounter they hurriedly
withdrew homeward : he inflicted no punishment upon
any one of them because of the winter and the political
disputes in Eome, but after dismissing the soldiers to
their winter-quarters, went hioaself to Italy on the plea
227
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 53 of cariaff for Hither Gaul, but really in order that he
(a. u. 701) °
might be located close to what was taking place in
the city.
— 33— Meantime the Gauls made another outbreak. The
(».'«. 702) Arvemi under the leadership of Verciagetorix re-
volted, killed all the Romans they found in their coim-
try, and proceeding against the tribes in alliance with
the foreigner bestowed favors upon such as were will-
ing to join their revolt, and injured the rest, CiEsar,
on ascertaining this, returned and found that they had
invaded the Bituriges. He did not try to repel them,
all his soldiers not being at hand as yet, but by invading
the Arvemian country in his turn drew the enemy
home again, whereupon, not deeming himself yet a
_34_ match for them, he retired in good season. They ac-
cordingly went back to the Bituriges, captured Avari-
cum, a city of theirs, and in it maintained a resistance
a long time, for the wall was hard to approach, being
bordered on one side by almost trackless swamps and
on the other by a river with a swift current. When,
therefore, later they were besieged by the Romans,
their great numbers made it easy for them to repel
assaults, and they made sallies, inflicting great damage.
Finally they burned over everything in the vicinity, not
only fields and villages but also cities from which they
thought assistance could come to the foe, and if any-
thing was being brought to them from allies at a dis-
tance, they seized it for booty. Therefore the Romans,
while appearing to besiege the city, really suffered the
fate of besieged, until a furious rain and great wind
228
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
sprang up (the -vnnter having already set in) during .^•^•~^^.
their attack on one point in the wall, which first drove
the assailants back, making them seek shelter in their
tents, and then confined the barbarians, too, in their
houses. "When they had gone from the battlements
the Romans suddenly attacked again, while there were
no men there : and first capturing a tower, before the
enemy became aware of their presence, they then with-
out difficulty got possession of the remaining works,
plundered the whole city, and in anger at the siege and
their hardship slew all the men.
After effecting this Caesar conducted a campaign —35 —
against their territory. The rest of the Arvemi in
view of the war being made upon them had gained pos-
session in advance of the bridges which he had to
cross ; and he being in doubt as to how he should pass
over, proceeded a considerable distance along the bank
to see if he could find any place suitable for going over
on foot through the water itself. Soon after he reached
a woody and overshadowed spot, from which he sent
forward the baggage-carriers and most of his army a
long way, with line stretched out: he bade them go for-
ward so that all his troops might appear to be in that
one division. He himself with the strongest portion
remained behind, cut down the wood, made rafts, and
on them crossed the stream while the barbarians stUl
had their attention fixed on those going along in front
and calculated that Caesar was among them. After
this he called back the advance party by night, trans-
ferred them across in the same way, and conquered the
country. The people fled in a body to Grergovia, carry-
ing there all their most valued possessions, and Caesar
229
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 52 iiad a great deal of toil to no purpose in besieging them.
— 36 — Their fort was on a strong hill and they had strength-
ened it greatly with walls ; also the barbarians round
about had seized all the high ground and were keeping
guard over it, so that if they remained in position they
could safely hold their own, and if they charged down
they would gain the greater advantage. For Caesar,
not having any sure position to choose, was encamped
in the plain and never knew beforehand what was
going on: but the barbarians, higher up, could look
down upon his camp and kept making opportune
charges. If they ever advanced farther than was fit-
ting and were beaten back, they quickly got within
their own domain again; and the Romans in no way
could come as near to the places as stones and javelins
could be hurled. The time was in general spent use-
lessly: often when he assaulted the very height upon
which their fortress was located, he would capture a
certain portion of it so that he could wall it in and
continue thence more easily his progress against the
rest of it, but on the whole he met with reverses. He
lost a number of his soldiers, and saw that the enemy
could not be captured. Moreover, there was at this
time an uprising among the jEdui, and while he was
absent attending to them, the men left behind fared
badly. All these considerations led Caesar to raise the
siege.
_37_ The -^dui in the beginning abode by their agree-
ments and sent him assistance, but later they made war
rather involuntarily, being deceived by Litaviccus and
others. He, having been unable by any other course to
230
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
persuade tliem to adopt a hostile attitude, managed to ,^' J^'-^,
get the appointment of conveying some men to CaRsar
to be the latter 's allies. He started off as if to fulfill
this mission, but sent ahead also some horsemen and
bade some of them return and say that their com-
panions and the rest of their men in the camp of the
Romans had been arrested by the latter and put to
death. Then he further excited the wrath of his sol-
diers by delivering a speech appropriate to the mes-
sage. In this way the -^dui themselves rose and led
others to revolt with them. Caesar, as soon as he ascer-
tained this, sent to them the iEdui whom he had and
was thought to have slain, so that they might be seen by
all to be alive, and followed on with his cavalry. On
this occasion, then, they repented and made terms.
The Romans were later, by reason of Caesar's absence,
defeated close to Gergovia and then entirely withdrew
from that coimtry; wherefore those who had caused
the uprising and were always desirous of a change in
politics feared that if they delayed the Eomans might
exact vengeance^ from them, and consequently rebelled
entirely. Members of their tribe who were campaign-
ing with Caesar, when they learned of this, asked him
to allow them to return home, promising that they
would arrange everything. Released on these condi-
tions they came to Noviodunum where the Romans had
deposited money and grain and many hostages, and
with the cooperation of the natives destroyed the gar-
risons, who were not expecting hostility, and became
1 A gap here is filled by following approximately Bekker's conjecture.
231
— 38 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 52 masters of all of them. That city, because advan-
(a. u. 702) •" _
tageous, they burned down, to prevent the Eomans
from making it a starting point for the war, and they
next caused the remainder of the ^dui to revolt.
Caesar, therefore, attempted to march agaiast them at
once, but not being able, on account of the river Liger,
he turned his attention to the Lingones, And not even
there did he meet with success. Labienus, however,
occupied the island in the Sequana river by conquer-
ing its defenders on the shore, and crossed over at
many points at once, both down stream and up, in order
that his troops might not be hindered by all crossing at
one spot.
_39_ Before this happened Vercingetorix, filled with con-
tempt for Caesar because of his reverses, had marched
agaiast the AUobroges. And he intercepted the Roman
leader, who had meantime started out evidently to aid
them, when he was in Sequania, and surrounded him
but did him no damage : on the contrary he compelled
the Eomans to be brave through despair of safety, but
he failed himself by reason of his numbers and au-
dacity and was even defeated to a certain extent by the
Celtse that were allies of the Eomans; for to their
charges with unwearying bodies they added the
strength of daring and so broke through the enclosing
ranks. Having discovered this device Caesar did not
give ground, but shut up in Alesia such of the foe as
_40_ fled, and besieged them. Now Vercingetorix at first,
before the wall had entirely cut off his followers, had
sent out the horsemen to get fodder for the horses
(there being none on hand), and in order to let them
232
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
disperse, each to Ms native land, and bring thence pro- b. c. 52
. . ' ° {a. u. 702)
Visions and assistance. As these delayed and food
supplies began to fail the beleaguered party, he thrust
out the children and the women and the most useless
among the rest, vainly hoping that either the outcasts
would be saved as booty by the Romans or else those
left in the town might perhaps survive by enjoying for
a longer time the supplies that would have belonged to
their companions. But Caesar to begin with had not
sufficient himself to feed others. Thinking, therefore,
that by their return he could make the deficiency of
food seem more severe to the enemy (for he expected
that the expelled would without doubt be received),
he forced them all back. So these perished most miser-
ably between the city and the camp, because neither
party would receive them. The relief looked for from
the horsemen and such others as they were conducting
reached the barbarians before long, but it was then de-
feated^ by the onset of the Eomans in a cavalry battle.
Thereupon the relief party tried by night to enter the
city through the enclosing wall but was bitterly disap-
pointed : for the Eomans had made hidden pits in those
roads which were used by horses and had fixed stakes
in them, afterward making the whole surface resemble
the surrounding country; thus horse and man, falling
into them absolutely without warning, were mangled.
These reinforcements did not, however, give up until,
marshaled once more in battle array beside the very
walls, they themselves and at the same time the men ia
the city who came out to fight had met with failure.
iVerb supplied by Oddey.
233
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
— ^1 — Now Vercingetorix might have escaped, for he had
(a. M. 702); not been captured and was iinwounded, but he hoped,
because he had once been on friendly terms with Caesar,
that he would obtain pardon from him. So he came to
him without any announcement by herald, but appeared
before him suddenly, as Caesar was seated on a plat-
form, aud threw some that were present iuto alarm;
he was first of all very tall, and iu a suit of armor he
made an extremely imposing figure. When quiet had
been restored, he uttered not a word, but fell upon
his knees and remained so, with clasped hands. This
inspired many with pity at remembrance of his former
fortune and at the distressiag state in which he now
appeared. But Csesar reproached him in this very
matter on which he most relied for ultimate safety,
and by setting before him how he had repaid friendli-
ness with the opposite treatment proved his offence to
have been the more abominable. Therefore he did not
pity him even for one moment, but immediately con-
fined him in bonds, and later, after sending him to his
triumph, put him to death.
_43— This wasi really a later occurrence. At the time
(^'J? 703) previously mentioned he gained some of the survivors
by capitulation and enslaved the rest, after conquering
them in battle. The Belgse, who live near by, put at
their head Commius, an Atrebatian, and resisted for
a great while. They fought two close cavalry battles
and the third time in an infantry battle they showed
themselves at first an equal match, but later, attacked
unexpectedly in the rear by cavalry, they turned to
flight. After this the remainder abandoned the camp
234
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
by night, and as they were passing through a wood set b. c. 51
fire to it, leaving behind only the wagons, in order that ' "" '*'
the enemy might be delayed by these and by the fire,
and they retire to safety. Their hopes, however, were
not realized. The Eomans, as soon as they perceived
their flight, pursued them and on encountering the fire
they extinguished part of it and hewed their way
through the rest. Some even ran right through the
flame, overtook the fugitives without warning and
slaughtered great numbers. Thereafter some of them — 43 —
capitulated, but the Atrebatian, who escaped, would
not keep quiet even after this experience. He under-
took at one time to ambush Labienus, and after a de-
feat in battle was persuaded to hold a conference with
him. Before any terms were made he was wounded by
one of the Eomans who surmised that it was not hia
real intention to make peace, but he escaped and again
proved troublesome to them. At last, despairing of
his project, he secured for his associates entire am-
nesty extending to all their people, and for himself, as
some say, on condition of never appearing again within
sight of any Eoman. So the contending parties be-
came reconciled and subsequently the rest, some volun-
tarily and others overcome in war, were subdued.
Then Caesar by garrisons and legal penalties and levies
of money and assignment of tribute humbled some and
tamed others.
Thus this trouble came to an end in the consulship —44 —
of Lucius Paulus and Gains Marcellus. CsBsar in the ,P\5'-n^,
ta. U. 704)
interest of the Gauls and to see about the term allowed
him for leadership had to leave Gaul and return to
Rome. His office was about to terminate, the war had
235
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 50 ceased, and he had no longer any satisfactory excuse
(a. u. 704) a J J
for not disbanding his troops and returning to private
life. Affairs in the city at this time were in turmoil,
Crassus was dead, and Pompey had again come to
power, after being three times consul and having
managed to get the government of Spain granted to
him for five years more. The latter had no longer any
bond of alliance with Caesar, especially now that the
child, who alone had kept them on friendly terms, had
passed away. The returning general therefore was
afraid that stripped of his soldiers he might fall into
the power of Pompey and of his other enemies, and
therefore did not dismiss them.
— 45— In these same years many tumults of a seditious
(o. M. 701) character had arisen in the city, and especially in con-
nection with the elections, so that it was fully six
months before Calvinus and Messala could be ap-
pointed consuls. And not even then would they have
been chosen, had not Quintus Pompeius Eufus, though
the grandson of Sulla and serving as tribune, been cast
into prison by the senate, whereupon the measure waa
voted by the rest who were anxious to commit some out-
rages, and the campaign against opposition was handed
over to Pompey. Sometimes the birds had prevented
elections, refusing to allow the offices to belong to in-
terreges; above all the tribunes, by managing affairs
in the city so that they instead of the praetors conducted
games, hindered the remaining offices from being
filled. This also accounts for Eufus having been con-
fined in a cell. He later on brought Favonius the aedile
236
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
to the same place on some small charge, in order that , b. c. 53
. ^ ° ' (a. M. 701)
he might have a companion in his disgrace. But all
the tribunes introduced various obstructive pleas, pro-
posing, among other things, to appoint military trib-
unes, so that more persons, as formerly, might come to
office. When no one would heed them, they declared
that Pompey, at all events, must be chosen dictator.
By this pretext they secured a very long delay : for he
"was out of town, and of those on the spot there was no
one who would venture to vote for the demand (for
in remembrance of Sulla's cruelty they all hated that
policy), nor yet venture to refuse to choose Pompey, on
accoimt of their fear of him. At last, quite late, he —46 —
came himself, refused the dictatorship offered to him,
and made preparation to have the consuls named.
These likewise on account of the turmoil from assas-
sinations did not appoint any successors, though they
had laid aside their senatorial garb and in the dress
of knights convened the senate as if on the occasion of
some great calamity. They also passed a decree that
no one, — either an ex-praetor or an ex-consul, — should
assume foreign office until five years should have
elapsed : this they did to see if people when it was no
longer in any one's power to be immediately elected
would cease their craze for office. For no moderation
was being shown and there was no purity in their
methods, but they vied with one another in expending
great sums and fighting more than ever, so that oncei
the consul Calvinus was wounded. Hence no consul
nor praetor nor prefect of the city had any successor,
237
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 52 but at the beffinninff of the year the Bomans were abso-
(o. ». 702) * ° . j^T 1 1
lutely "without a govemment m these branch.es.
— 47— Nothing good resulted from this, and among other
things the market recurring every ninth day was held
on the very first of January. This seemed to the Bo-
mans to have taken place not by accident, and being con-
sidered in the ligbt of a portent it caused trepidation.
The same feeling was increased when an owl was both,
seen and caught in the city, a statue exuded perspira-
tion for three days, a flash darted from the south to the
east, and many thunderbolts, many clods, stones, tiles
and blood descended through the air. It seems to me
that that decree passed the previous year, near the close,
with regard to Serapis and Isis, was a portent equal
to any : the senate decided to tear down their temples,
which some private individuals had built. For they
did not reverence these gods any long time and even
when it became the fashion to render public devotion to
them, they settled them outside the pomerium.
— 48— Such being the state of things in the city, with no
one in charge of affairs, murders occurred practically
every day and they did not finish the elections, though
they were eager for office and employed bribery and
assassination on account of it. Milo, for instance, who
was seeking the consulship, met Clodius on the Appian
Way and at first simply woimded him: then, fearing
he would attack him. for what had been done, he slew
him. He at once freed all the servants concerned in
the business, and his hope was that he might be more
easily acquitted of the murder, now that the man was
238
• 49 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
dead, than he would be for the wound in case he had , ^- C- &2
(a. u. 702)
survived. The people in the city heard of this about
evening and were thrown into a terrible uproar : for to
factional disturbances there was being added a start-
ing-point for war and evils, and the middle class, even
though they hated Clodius, yet on account of humanity
and because on this excuse they hoped to get rid of
Milo, showed displeasure. While they were in this
frame of mind Eufus and Titus Munatius Plancus took
hold of them and excited them to greater wrath. As
tribunes they conveyed the body into the Forum just
before dawn, placed it on the rostra, exhibited it to all,
and spoke appropriate words with lamentations. So
the populace, as a result of what it both saw and heard,
was deeply stirred and paid no further heed to consid-
erations of sanctity or things divine, but overthrew all
the customs of burial and nearly burned down the
whole city. The body of Clodius they picked up and
carried into the senate-house, arranged it in due
fashion, and then after heaping a pyre of benches
burned both the corpse and the convention hall. They
did this, therefore, not under the stress of such an
impulse as often takes sudden hold of crowds, but of
set purpose, so that on the ninth day they held the
funeral feast in the Forum itself, with the senate-house
still smouldering, and furthermore undertook to apply
the torch to Milo's house. This last was not burned
because many were defending it. Milo for a time, ia
great terror over the murder, was hidden not only by
ordinary citizens but under the guard of knights and
some senators. When this other act, however, oc-
curred, he hoped that the wrath of the senate would
239
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^' ^-JS.. pass over to the outrage of the opposing party. They
(d* w» 702)
had assembled late in the afternoon on the Palatine for
this very purpose, and had voted that an interrex be
chosen by show of hands and that he and the tribunes
and Pompey, moreover, care for the guarding of the
city, that it suffer no detriment. Milo, accordingly,
made his appearance in public, and pressed his claims
to the office as strongly as before, if not more strongly.
— 50— As a consequence of this, conflicts and killings in
plenty began again, so that the senate ratified the
aforementioned measures, summoned Pompey, allowed
him to make fresh levies, and changed their garments.
Not long after his arrival they assembled imder guard
near his theatre outside the pomerium and resolved
that the bones of Clodius should be taken up, and
assigned the rebuilding of the senate-house to Faustus,
son of Sulla. It was the Curia Hostilia which had
been remodeled by Sulla. Wherefore they came to
this decision about it and ordered that when repaired
it should receive again the former's name. The city
was in a fever of excitement about the magistrates who
should rule it, some talking to the effect that Pompey
ought to be chosen dictator and others that Caesar
should be elected consul. They were so determined to
honor the latter for his achievements that they voted to
offer sacrifices over them sixty* days. Fearing both
of the men the rest of the senate and Bibulus, who was
first to be asked and to declare his opinion, anticipated
the onset of the masses by giving the consulship to
1 Twenty days according to Caesar's Gallic War (VII, 90). Reimar
thinks " sixty " an error of the copyists.
240
DIOS ROMAN HISTORY
Pompey to prevent his being named dictator, and to ^- '^•»^,
him alone in order that he might not have CaBsar as
his colleague. This action of theirs was strange; it
had been taken in no other case, and yet they seemed
to have done well. For since he favored the masses
less than Caesar, they hoped to detach him from them
altogether and to make him their own. This expecta-
tion was fulfilled. Elated by the novelty and unex-
pectedness of the honor, he no longer formed any plan
to gratify the populace but was careful to do every-
thing that pleased the senate.
He did not, however, wish to hold office alone. Pos- — 51 —
sessing the glory that lay in such a vote having been
passed he was anxious to divert the envy that arose
from it. Also he felt afraid that, as the field was
vacant, Caesar might be given him as colleague through
the enthusiasm of the powerful classes and the popu-
lace alike. First of aU, therefore, in order that his
rival might not think he had been entirely neglected
and therefore show some just displeasure, he arranged
through the tribunes that he should be permitted even
in absence to be a candidate for the office, when the
proper time came according to law. Pompey himself
then chose as assistant Quintus Scipio, who was his
father-in-law and had incurred a charge of bribery.
This man, by birth son of Nasica, had been transferred
by the lot of succession to the family of Metellus Pius,
and for that reason bore the latter 's name. He had
given his daughter in marriage to Pompey, and now
received in turn from him the consulship and immunity
from accusation. Very many had been examined in _5a_
the complaint above mentioned, especially because the
VOL. 2.— 16 241
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^- C!- 52 courts, by Pompey 's laws, were more carefully consti-
tuted. He himself selected tlie entire list of names
from which drawings for jurors had to be made, and
he limited the number of advocates on each side, in
order that the jurymen might not be confused and dis-
turbed by the numbers of them. He ordered that the
time allotted to the plaintiff be two hours, and to the
defendant three. And what grieved many most of all,
he revised the custom of eulogizers being presented
by those on trial (for great numbers kept escaping the
clutches of the law because commended by persons wor-
thy of confidence) ; and he had a measure passed that
such prisoners should in future be allowed no one
whomsoever to eulogize them. These and other re-
forms he instituted in all the courts alike; and against
those who practiced bribery for office he raised up as
accusers those who had formerly been convicted of
some such offence, thus offering the latter no small
prize. For if any one secured the conviction of two
men on charges equal to that against himself, or even
on smaller charges, or if one man on a greater charge,
he went scot free.
— 53— Among many others who were thus convicted was
Plautius Hypsseus, who had been a rival of Milo and of
Scipio for the consulship. Though all three had been
guilty of bribery he alone was condemned. Scipio
was indicted, and by two persons at that, but was not
tried, on account of Pompey : and Milo was not charged
with this crime (for the murder formed a greater com-
plaint against him) , but being brought to trial on the
latter charge he was convicted, as he was not able to
use any violence. Pompey kept the city in general well
242
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
under guard and himself with armed soldiers entered ,^- ^v^^
° , (». «. 702)
the court. When some raised an outcry at this, he
ordered the soldiers to drive them out of the Forum
by striking them with the side, or the flat, of their
swords. When they would not yield, but showed defi-
ance as if the broadsides were being used for mere
sport, some of them were wounded and killed.
After this, the courts being convened in quiet, many —54 —
were condemned on various charges, and, for the mur-
der of Clodius, Milo among others though he had
Cicero as a defender. That orator, seeing Pompey
and the soldiers contrary to custom in the court, was
alarmed and overwhelmed with dread, so that he did
not deliver any of the speech he had prepared, but
after saying a few words with effort in a half-dead
voice, was glad to retire. This speech which is now
supposed to have been delivered at that time in behalf
of Milo he wrote some time later and at leisure, when
he had recovered his courage. There is also the fol-
lowing story about it. When Milo, in banishment,
made the acquaintance of the speech sent to him by
Cicero, he wrote back saying that it was lucky for him
those words had not been spoken in that form in the
court ; for he would not be eating such fine mullets in
Massilia (where he was passing his exile), if any such
defence had been made. This he wrote, not because
he was pleased with his circumstances, — he made many
ventures to secure his return, — but as a joke on Cicero,
because after saying nothing important at the time of
the defence he later both practiced and sent to him
these fruitless words, as if they could now be of any
service to him.
243
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
— 55— In this way Milo was convicted; and so were Eufus
(o. w.'702) and Plancus, as soon as they had finished their term
of office, together with numerous others on account of
the burning of the senate-house. Plancus was not even
benefited by Pompey, who was so earnest in his behalf
that he sent to the court a volume containing both a
eulogy of the prisoner and a supplication for him.
Marcus Cato, who was eligible to sit as a juryman,
said he would not allow the eulogizer to destroy his
own laws. But he got no opportunity to cast his vote;
for Plancus rejected him, feeling sure that he would
give his voice for condemnation : (by the laws of Pom-
pey each of the parties to a suit was allowed to set
aside five out of the number that were to judge him;)
the other jurors, however, voted against him, especially
as it did not seem right to them after they had con-
demned Eufus to acquit Plancus, who was on trial on
the same charge. And when they saw Pompey co-
operating with him, they showed the more zeal against
him, for fear they might be thought to be absolute
slaves of his rather than jurymen. It should be said
that on this occasion, too, Cicero accused Plancus no
better than he had defended Milo : for the appearance
of the courtroom was the same, and Pompey in each
case was planning and acting against him, — a circum-
stance that naturally led to a second collision between
them.
i_56— After attending to these matters Pompey revived
the law about elections (which had fallen somewhat
into disuse) commanding those who seek an office to
present themselves without fail before the assembly, so
that no one who is absent may be chosen. He also con-
244
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
firmed the ordinance, passed a short time previously, ^- ^•^^„.
that those who had held office in the city should not be
allotted to foreign governorships before five years had
passed. He was not ashamed at this time to record
such measures, although a little later he himself took
Spain for five years more and granted Caesar, whose
friends were in a terrible state of irritation, the right
to canvass for the consulship (as had been decreed),
even in his absence. He amended the law to read
that only those should be permitted to do it who were
granted the privilege by name and without disguise;
but of course this was no different from its not being
prohibited at all, for men who had any influence werei
certainly going to manage to get the right voted to
them.
Such were the political acts of Pompey. Scipio —57 —
without enacting any new laws abolished the measures
emanating from Clodius, with regard to the censors.
It looked as though he had done this out of favor to
them since he restored to them the authority which
they formerly had : but it turned out to be the opposite.
For in view of the fact that there were many worthless
men both in the equestrian and in the senatorial orders,
so long as it had not been permitted them to expel any
one, either accused or convicted, no fault was found
with them on account of those whose names were not
expunged. But when they got back their old power and
were allowed to do this and to examine the life of each
man separately, they had not the hardihood to come to
an open break with many and did not wish to incur
any censure for not expelling those gmlty of improper
245
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 52 conduct, and for this reason no sensible person liad
(a. u. 702) , . „ „ /v
any desire for the office any longer.
— 58 — This was the vote passed with regard to the censors,
Cato on the whole did not wish any office, but seeing
Csesar and Pompey outgrowing the system of govern-
ment, and surmising that they would either get control
of affairs between themselves or would quarrel with
each other and create a mighty strife, the victor in
which would be sole ruler, he wished to overthrow
them before they became antagonists, and hence sought
the consulship to use it against them, because as a pri-
vate citizen he was likely to wield no influence. His
designs were guessed, however, by the adherents of the
B. c. 51 two men and he was not appointed, but instead Marcus
(a. «. 703) ]\jarcellus and Sulpicius Eufus were chosen, the one
on account of his acquaintance with the law and the
other for his ability in speaking. One special reason
was that they, even if they did not employ bribes or
violejice, yet showed deference to all and were wont
to exhort people frequently, whereas Cato was defer-
ential to no one. He never again became a candidate
for the office, saying that it was the duty of an upright
man not to avoid the leadership of the commonwealth
if any person wished him to enjoy it, nor yet to pursue
— 59 — it beyond the limits of propriety. Marcellus at once
directed all his efforts to compass the downfall of
Caesar, — for he was of Pompey 's party, — and among
the many measures against him that he proposed was
one to the effect that a successor to him should be sent
before the appointed time. He was resisted by Sul-
picius and some of the tribunes, — by the latter out of
good will toward Caesar. Sulpicius made common
246
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
cause with them and with the multitude, because he did , b. c. 51
' (o. M. 703)
not like the idea of a magistrate who had done no
wrong being stopped in the middle of his term. Pom-
pey was starting from the city with the avowed inten-
tion of leading an expedition into Spain, but he did not
at this time even leave the bounds of Italy, and after
assigning to his lieutenants the entire business abroad
he himself kept close watch on the city. Now when he
heard how things were going, he pretended that the
plan of having Caesar detached from his command did
not please him either, but he arranged matters so that
when CsBsar should have served out the time allowed
him, an event not of the distant future, but due to occur
the following year, — he should lay down his arms and
return home to be a private citizen. In pursuance of
this object he made Gains Marcellus, a cousin of Mar-
cus,^ or a brother (both traditions are current), obtaia
the consulship, because although allied to Caesar by
marriage he was hostile to him; and he made Gains
Curio, who was also an oldtime foe of his rival, receive
the tribuneship.
Caesar was on no account inclined to become a pri- — eo —
vate citizen after so great a command and one of such (^.'w. '704)
long standing, and was afraid that he might fall into
1 The words " of Marcus " were added by Leunclavius to make the
statement of the sentence correspond with fact. Their omission would
seem to be obviously due to haplography. The confusion about the
relationship, which might well have arisen by Dio's time, is very
possibly the consequence of the idiomatic Latin " f rater patruelis "
used by Suetonius (for instance) in chapter 29 of his Life of Caesar.
The two men were, in fact, first cousins. Again in Appian (Civil Wars,
Book Two, chapter 26 ) , we read of " Claudius Marcellus, cousin of
the previous Marcus." Both had the gentile name Claudius, one being
Marcus Claudius, and the other Gains Claudius, Marcellus.
247
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. 0. 50 the power of Ms enemies. Therefore he made prep-
(a. u. 704) ^ .
arations to stay in office in spite of them, collected addi-
tional soldiers, gathered money, manufactured arms,
and conducted himself to please all. Meanwhile, desir-
ing to settle matters at home somewhat beforehand,
so as not to seem to be gaining all his ends by violence,
but some by persuasion, he decided to effect a recon-
ciliation with Curio. For the latter belonged to the
family of the Curiones, had a keen intelligence, was
eloquent, was greatly trusted by the populace and ab-
solutely unsparing of money for all purposes by which
he could either benefit himself or hoped to gain benefit
for others. So, by buoying him up with many hopes
and releasing him from all his debts which on account
of his great expenditures were numerous^ Caesar at-
tached him to himself. In view of the present import-
ance of the objects for which he was working he did
not spare money, since he could collect it from the
people themselves, and he also promised various per-
sons large sums, of which he was destined to give them
not the smallest particle. He courted not only the
free but the slaves who had any influence whatever
with their masters, and as a result a number of the
knights and the senators, too, joined his party.
— 61— Thus Curio began to espouse Caesar's cause; not
immediately, however, did he begin to show open activ-
ity, because he was seeking an excuse of fair semblance
and was trying to appear to have transferred his alle-
giance not willingly, but under compulsion. He also
took into consideration that the more he should asso-
248
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
ciate with his patron's enemies in the guise of their ^'^'nll)
friend, the more and the greater secrets of theirs he
"would learn. For these reasons he dissimulated for a
very long time, and to prevent any suspicion of his
having changed sides and not maintaiaing and repre-
senting stUl at this time an attitude of unqualified
opposition to Caesar as one of the leading spirits in the
movement, he even made a public harangue against
him, as a result of which he gained the tribuneship and
prepared many unusual measures. Some bills he
offered against the senate and its most powerful mem-
bers, who were especially active in Pompey's behalf,
not because he either wished or expected that any one
of them would be passed, but in order that, as they did
not accept them, so no measure might be passed against
Caesar (for many motions to his detriment were being
offered by many persons), and that he himself might
transfer his support on this excuse. After this, having — es —
used up considerable time at various occasions on vari-
ous pretexts, not a single one of which met with favor,
he pretended to be vexed and asked that another month
be inserted for the legislation that resulted from his
measures. This practice was followed at regular
periods, established by custom, but not for any such
reason as his, and he himself, being pontifex, under-
stood that fact. Nevertheless he said that it ought to
be done and made a fine show of forcing his fellow-
priests. At last not being able to persuade them to
assent to his proposal (of which he was very glad), he
wotdd not permit any other matter for this reason to
be voted upon. On the contrary he already began
249
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. 0. 50 openly to justify Caesar's actions, since, as he said, he
,{a. M. 704) r J a J 7 7 7
was unable to accomplish anything against him, and
brought forward every possible proposition which was
sure of not being accepted. The chief of these was
that all persons ia arms must lay these down and dis-
band their legions, or else they should not strip Caesar
of his weapons and expose hitn to the forces of his
rivals. This he said, not because he wished Caesar to
do it, but because he well imderstood that Pompey
would not yield obedience to it, and thus a plausible
excuse was offered the former for not dismissing his
soldiers.
_63— Pompey, accordingly, as he could effect nothing in
any other way, proceeded without any further disguise
to harsh measures and openly said and did everything
against Caesar. He failed, however, to accomplish
aught. Caesar had many followers, among them Lucius
Paulus, colleague of Marcellus, and Lucius Piso, his
father-in-law, who was censor. For at this time Ap-
pius Claudius and Piso (though the latter did not de-
sire it), were made censors. So Piso on accoimt of his
relationship belonged to Caesar, while Claudius op-
posed him, espousing Pompey 's cause, yet quite in-
voluntarily he rendered Caesar very efficient aid. He
expelled very many both of the knights and the sen-
ators, overpowering his colleague, and in this way
made them all favor Caesar's aspirations. Piso who
on every account wished to avoid trouble and to main-
tain friendship with his son-in-law paid court to many
people, being himself responsible for none of the above
250
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
acts, but he did not resist Claudius when he drove from ,, ^- ^- ^^. ,
' ,(a. ». 704)
the senate all the freedmen and numbers of the real
nobility, among them Sallustius Crispus who wrote the
History. When Curio, however, was about to have his
name expunged, Piso, with the help of Paulus (whose
kinsman he was) , did beg him off. Consequently Clau- — 64 —
dius did not expel him but made public in the senate the
opinion that he had of him, so that he^ indignant, rent
his clothes. Marcellus followed him, and thinking that
the senate would pass some severe vote against Curio
and, because of him, against Caesar, brought forward
propositions about him. Curio at first opposed any
decision being rendered regarding him; but on comiag
to realize that of the majority of the senators then
present some really were attached to Caesar's cause and
others thoroughly feared him, he allowed them to de-
cide, saying incidentally only this: " I am conscious
of doing what is best and most advantageous for my
country: to you, however, I surrender both my body
and soul to treat as you please." Marcellus accord-
ingly accused him, thinking that he would certainly be
convicted, and then when he was acquitted by the ma-
jority the accuser took it greatly to heart : rushing out
of the assembly he came to Pompey, who was in the
suburbs, and on his own responsibility, without the
formality of a vote, gave him charge to keep guard
over the city along with two legions of civilians. These
soldiers were then present, having been collected in
the following way and for the following purpose. Pom- — 65 —
pey before this, while he was stiU on friendly terms
251
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^' ^' 704 > ^^^^ Csesar,]iad given him one legion composed of those
troops which, according to the register belonged to
hitn, inasmuch as he was not conducting any war and
Caesar had need of soldiers. When they fell out with
each other, in his desire to get this back from him and
to deprive him of yet another he delivered a speech,
stating that Bibulus required soldiers against the Par-
thians; and in order that no new levies should be
raised, — for the matter was urgent, he said, and they
had an abundance of legions, — he got it voted that
each of them, himself and Caesar, must send one to him.
Thereupon he failed to despatch any of those engaged
in warfare under his own command, but ordered those
whose business it was to demand that legion which he
had given to Caesar. So nominally both of them con-
tributed, but in reality Caesar alone sent the two. He
knew what was being done, but complied with the de-
mand, not wishing to incur the charge of disobedience,
particularly because on this excuse he intended to raise
in turn many more soldiers.
— 66— These legions, therefore, were apparently made
ready to be sent against the Parthians, but when there
proved to be no need of them, (there was really no use
to which they could be put,) Marcellus, fearing that
they might be restored to Caesar, at first declared that
they must remain in Italy, and then, as I have said,
gave them into Pompey's charge. These proceedings
took place near the close of the year and were destined
not to be in force for long, since they had been ap-
proved neither by the senate nor by the populace : ac-
252
DTO'S ROMAN HISTORY
cordingly, he brouglit over to Pompey's side Cornelius ^- ^- f°
Lentulus and Gains Claudius, who were to hold the
consulship the next year, and caused them to issue the
same commands. Since they were allowed to give out
letters to men appointed to office and to perform even
so early some other functions belonging to the highest
post in the state before they assumed it, they believed
that they had authority also in this matter. And Pom-
pey, although he was very exact in all other details,
nevertheless on account of his need of soldiers did not
investigate this action at all, nor the sources from
which he was getting them, nor in what way, but ac-
cepted them very gratefully. Yet no such result was
accomplished as one would have expected to come from
80 great a piece of audacity: they merely displayed
their enmity toward Csesar, as a consequence of which
they could not gather any further formidable equip-
ment, and furnished to him a plausible excuse for re-
taining the troops that were with him. For Curio us-
ing the acts mentioned as his text delivered before the
populace a violent arraignment both of the consuls and
of Pompey, and when he had finished his term he at
once set out to join Caesar.
253
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
41
255
The following is contained in tlie Forty-first of Dio's Borne.
How CsBsar came into Italy, and how Pompey, leaving it,
sailed across to Macedonia (chapters 1-17).
How CsBsar subjugated Spain (chapters 18-37).
How Caesar sailed across to Macedonia to encounter Pom-
pey (chapters 38-46).
How Caesar and Pompey fought at Dyrrachium (chapters
47-51).
How Caesar conquered Pompey at Pharsalus (chapters 52-
63).
Duration of time, two years, in which there were the following
magistrates, here enumerated.
L. Cornelius P. f. Lentulus, C. Claudius M. f. Mareellus.
(B. C. 49 = a. u. 705.)
0. lulius C. F. Caesar (II), P. Servilius P. f. Isauricus.
;(B. C. 48 = a. u. 706.)
256
(BOOK 41, BOISSEVAIN.)
This is wliat he (sc. Curio) did then: later he came — i —
to Rome with a letter to the senate from Caesar on the
very first day of the month on which Cornelius Len- •^'^'•j^^v
tulus and Gains Claudius entered upon office; and he
would not give it to the consuls until they reached the
senate-house, for fear that if they received it outside
they might conceal it. Even as it was they waited a
long time, not wishing to read it, but at last they were
compelled by Quintus Cassius Longinus and Mark An-
tony, the tribunes, to make it public. Now Antony for
the favor he did Caesar at the time in this matter was
destined to receive a great return and to be raised
himself to heights of power. In the letter was con-
tained a list of the benefits which Caesar had conferred
upon the commonwealth and a defence of the charges
which were brought against him. He promised that
he would disband his legions and give up his office if
Pompey would also do the same: for while the latter
bore arms, he said, it was not just for him to be com-
pelled to part with his and so be exposed to his enemies.
The vote on this proposition was taken not individu- — a—
ally for fear that through having respect to others or
some element of fear the senators might express the
opposite of their true opinion ; but it was done by their
taking their stand on this side or on that of the senate-
chamber. No one voted that Pompey should cease to
bear arms (for he had his troops in the suburbs), but
VOL. 2.— 17 257
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^" ^ ■»!?, all, except one Marcus Caelius and Curio, who had car-
Co. u. 70a) ,
ried his letter, decided that Caesar must. About the
tribunes I say nothing because no necessity was laid
upon them to separate iato two different groups; for
they had authority to contribute their vote if they
wished, or otherwise not. This^ then, was the decision
made, but Antony and Longinus did not allow any
point in it to be ratified either on that day or the next.
— 3 — The rest, indignant at this, voted to change their garb,
but through the intervention of the same men did not
obtain ratification of this measure either. Their opin-
ion, however, was recorded and the appropriate action
followed : namely, all straightway left the senate-house,
and after changing their clothes came in again and pro-
ceeded to deliberate about vengeance to be taken on
the obstructionists. They, seeing this, at first resisted
but later became afraid, especially when Lentulus ad-
vised them to get out of the way before the votes should
be cast: hence after many remarks and protestations
they set out with Curio and with Cselius to Caesar, little
heeding that they had been expelled from the senate.
This was the determination reached at that time, and
the care of the city was committed to the consuls and
to the other magistrates, as had been the custom. Af-
terward the senators went outside the pomerium to
Pompey hunself, declared that there was a state of dis-
order, and gave to him both the money and soldiers.
They voted that Caesar should surrender his office to his
successors and send away his legions by a given day,
or else be considered an enemy, because acting con-
trary to the interests of the country.
258
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
When he was informed of this he came to Ariminum, ^q~2q
then for the first time overstepping the confines of his .(<»• «• 705);
own pro\ince, and after collecting his soldiers he bade
Curio and the others who had come with him relate
what had been done by them. After this was finished he
inspirited them by adding such words as the ocoasion
demanded. Next he set out and marched straight upon
Rome itself, taking possession of all the intervening
cities without a conflict, since the garrisons of some
abandoned them by reason of weakness and others es-
poused his cause. Pompey, perceiving this, was fright-
ened, especially when he learned all his intentions from
Labienus. The latter had abandoned Caesar and come
as a deserter, and he announced all the latter 's secrets
to Pompey. One might feel surprise that after having
always been honored by Caesar in the highest degree,
to the extent of governing all the legions beyond the
Alps whenever their head was in Italy, he should have
done this. The reason was that when he had clothed
himself with wealth and fame he began to conduct him-
self more haughtily than his position warranted, and
Caesar, seeing that he put himself on the same level
with his master, ceased to be so fond of him. As he
could not endure this changed attitude and was at the
same time afraid of suffering some harm, he trans-
ferred his allegiance.
Pompey as a result of what was told him about — 5— .
Caesar and because he had not yet prepared a force to
cope with Mm changed his plans : for he saw that the
dwellers in the city, yes, the members of the sedition
themselves, even more than the others, shrank from the
,259
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 ^ar through remembrance of the deeds of Marius and
ia. u. 705) °
Sulla and wished to escape it in safety. Therefore he
sent as envoys to Caesar, Lucius Caesar, a relative of
his, and Lucius Eoscius, a praetor, — both of them vol-
unteering for the service, — to see if he could avoid his
open attack and then make an agreement with him on
some fair terms. The other replied to the ssime effect
as in his letter, previously forwarded, and said also
that he wished to converse with Pompey : but the peo-
ple were displeased to hear this, fearing that some
measures might be concerted against them. When,
however, the envoys uttered many words in praise of
Caesar, and finally promised besides that no one should
suffer any harm at his hands and that the legions
should immediately be disbanded, they were pleased and
sent the same envoys to him again, and besought both
of the opposing leaders with shouts, calling upon them
everywhere and always to lay down their arms at the
_6— same time. Pompey was frightened at this, knowing
well that he would be far inferior to Caesar if they
should both have to depend on the clemency of the pop-
ulace, and betook himself to Campania before the en-
voys returned, with the idea that there he could more
easily make war. He also commanded the whole senate
together with those who held the offices to accompany
him, granting them permission by a decree of absence,
and telling them in advance that whoever remained be-
hind he should regard as equal and alike to those who
were working against him. Furthermore he enjoined
them to vote that all the public moneys and the votive
offerings in the city be removed, hoping that from this
260
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
source he could gather a vast number of soldiers. For , ^- ^\il^
° . {a. M. 705)
practically all the cities of Italy felt such friendliness
for him that when a short time before they had heard
he was dangerously ill, they vowed they would offer
public sacrifices for his preservation. That this
was a great and brilliant honor which they ben
stowed upon him no one could gainsay; there is
no one in whose behalf such a vote has been
passed, except those who later assumed absolute
sovereignty: nevertheless he had not a sure ground
of confidence that they would not abandon him
under the influence of fear of a stronger power.
The recommendation about the moneys and the votive
offerings was allowed, but neither of them was touched ;
for having ascertained meanwhile that Caesar's answer
to the envoys had been anything but peaceful and that
he also reproached them with having made some false
statements about him, that his soldiers were many and
bold and liable to do any kind of mischief (such re-
ports, tending to greater terror, as are usually made
about such matters), the senators became frightened
and hastily took their departure before they could lay
a finger on any of the objects.
For this reason their removal was equally in all —7 —
other respects of a tumultous and confused appearance.
The departing citizens, practically all of whom were
the foremost men of the senate and of the knights and
of the populace, nominally were setting out for war,
but really were undergoing the experiences of captives.
They were terribly distressed at being compelled to
abandon their country and their pursuits there, and to
261
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^' ^V«L consider foreign walls more native than their own.
(O. w. 705) "^ ' • 1 J?
Such as removed with their entire household said fare-
well to the temples and their houses and their paternal
threshold with the feeling that these would straightway
become the property of their opponents: they them-
selves, not being ignorant of Pompey's intention, had
the purpose, in case they should survive, of establish-
ing themselves in Macedonia or Thrace. And those
who left behind on the spot their children and wives
and their other most valued possessions appeared to
have some little hope of their country but really fared
much worse than the others, since being sundered from
their dearest treasures they exposed themselves to a
double and most hostile fortune. For in delivering
their closest interests to the power of their bitterest
foes they were destined to play the coward and yet
themselves encounter danger, to show zeal and yet to be
deprived of what they prized: moreover they would
find a friend in neither rival, but an enemy in both, — ■
in Caesar because they themselves did not remain be-
hind, and in Pompey because they did not take the oth-
ers with them. Hence they assumed a twofold attitude
in their decisions, in their prayers, and in their hopes :
with their bodies they were being drawn away from
those nearest to them, and their souls they found cleft
in twain.
— 8— These were the feelings of the departing throng:
and those left behind had to face a different, but
equally unpleasant situation. Bereft of the associa-
tion of their nearest relatives, deprived, as it were, of
their guardians and far from able to defend them-
262
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
selves, exposed to the enemy and about to be subject ,^'^'^11^
to the authority of him who should make himself master
of the city, they were themselves distressed by fear
both of outrages and of murders as if they were al-
ready taking place. In view of these same possibilities
such as were angry at the fugitives, because they them-
selves had been left in the lurch, cursed them for it,
and those who condoned their action because of the
necessity still felt consequent fears. The rest of the
populace entire, even if they possessed not the least
kinship with those departing, were nevertheless
grieved at their fate, some expecting that their neigh-
bors, and others that their comrades would go far away
from them and do and suffer many unusual things.
Most of all they bewailed their own lot, seeing the mag-
istrates and the senate and all the rest who had any
power, — they were not sure whether a single one of
them would be left behind, — cast out of their country
and away from them. They reflected how those men,
had not many altogether dreadful calamities fastened
themselves upon the State, would never have wished to
flee, and they likened themselves, made destitute of al-
lies, in every conceivable respect to orphaned children
and widow women. Being the first to await the wrath
and the lust of the oncoming foe, they remembered
their former sufferings, some by experience and others
by hearing it from the victims, all the outrages that
Marius and Sulla had committed, and they therefore
did not look to Caesar for moderate treatment.^ On
1 Small gaps occur in this sentence, filled by conjectures of Bekker
and Reiske.
263
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
(^ *-'ylg, the contrary, because his army was constituted very
largely of barbarians, they expected that their misfor-
tunes would be far more in number and more terrible
than those of yore,
— 9 — Since, then, all of them were in this condition, and no
one except those who appeared to be good friends of
CaBsar made light of the situation, and even they, ta
consideration of the change of character to which most
men are subject according to their circumstances, were
not courageous enough to think that the source of their
confidence was reliable, it is not easy to conceive how
great confusion and how great grief prevailed at the
departure of the consuls and those who set out with
them. All night they made an uproar in packing up
and going about, and toward dawn great sorrow fell
upon them, induced by the action of the priests, who
went about offering prayers on every side. They in-
voked the gods, showered kisses on the floors, enumer-
ated how many times and from what perils they had
survived, and lamented that they were leaving their
country, — a venture they had never made before.
Near the gates, too, there was much wailing. Some
took fond leave at once of each other and of the city
as if they were beholding them for the last time : others
bewailed their own lot and joined their prayers to those
of the departing: the larger number, on the ground
that they were being betrayed, uttered maledictions.
The whole popidation, even those that stayed behind,
were there with all the women and all the children.
Then the one group set out on their way and the other
group escorted them. Some interposed delays and
were detained by their acquaintances : others embraced
264
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and clung to each other for a long time. Those that ^- c. 49
° ° {a. u. 705)
remained accompanied those setting out, calling after
them and expressing their sympathy, while with invo-
cations of Heaven they besought them to take them,
too, or to remain at home themselves. Meanwhile there
were shrill sounds of wailiag over each one of the ex-
iles, even from outsiders, and insatiate floods of tears.
Hope for the best they were scarcely at all inclined to
entertain in their condition; it was rather suffering
which was expected, first by those who were left and
subsequently by those who were departing. Any one
that saw them would have guessed that two peoples and
two cities were being made from one and that one was
being driven out and was fleeing, whereas the other was
being left to its fate and was being captured.
Pompey thus left the city drawing many of the sen-
ators after htm ; some remained behind, either attached
to Caesar's cause or maintaining a neutral attitude to-
ward both. He hastily raised levies from the cities,
collected money, and sent garrisons to almost every
point. Caesar, when he learned this, did not hurry to — lo —
Rome : it, he knew, was offered as a prize to the victors,
and he said that he was not marching against that place
as hostile to bini but against his political opponents in
its behalf. And he sent a letter throughout all Italy in
which he summoned Pompey to a kind of trial, encour-
aged all to be of good cheer, bade them remain in their
places, and made them many promises. He set out
next against Corfinium, which, being occupied by Lu-
cius Domitius, had not joined his adherents, and after
conquering in battle a few who met him. he shut up the
rest in a state of siege. Pompey, inasmuch as these citi-
265
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 2ens were being besieged and many of the others were
falling off to Caesar, had no further hope of Italy but
resolved to cross over into Macedonia, Greece, and
Asia. He derived much encouragement from the re-
membrance of what he had achieved there and from
the friendship of the people and the princes. (Spain
was likewise devoted to him, but he could not reach
it safely because Caesar had possession of both the
Gauls.) Moreover he calculated that if he should sail
away, no one would pursue him on account of the lack
of boats and on account of the winter, — the late
autumn being far advanced, — and meanwhUe he would
at leisure amass both money and troops, much of them
_ii_ from subject and much from allied territory. With
this design, therefore, he himself set out for Brun-
dusium and bade Domitius abandon Corfinium and ac-
company him. In spite of the large force that Do-
mitius had and the hopes he reposed in it — for he had
courted the favor of the soldiers in every way and had
won some of them by promises of land (having be-
longed to Sulla's veterans he had acquired a large
amount in that reign) — he nevertheless obeyed orders.
Meanwhile Pompey proceeded with his preparations to
evacuate the country in safety : his associates learning
this shrank from the journey abroad, because it seemed
to them a flight, and attached themselves to Caesar.
So these joined the invader's army: but Domitius and
the other senators after being censured by Caesar for
arraying themselves in opposition, were released and
came to Pompey.
266
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Caesar now was anxious to join issue with him before ~]?~
he sailed. away, to fight it out with him in Italy, and to (a. u. 705)
overtake him while he was still at Brundusium; for
since there were not sufficient boats for them, Pompey
had sent forward the consuls and others, fearing that
they might begin some rebellion if they stayed on the
spot. Caesar, seeing the difficulty of capturing the
place, urged his opponent to accede to some agreement,
assuring him that he should obtaia both peace and
friendship agaia. When Pompey made no further re-
sponse than that he would communicate to the consuls
what Caesar said, the latter, iuasmuch as they had de-
cided to receive no citizen in arms for a conference,
assaulted the city. Pompey repelled him for some
days untU the boats came back. Having meanwhile
barricaded and obstructed with fortifications the roads
leading to the harbor so that no one should attack him
while sailing off, he then set sail by night. Thus ha
crossed over to Macedonia in safety and Brundusium
was captured as well as two boats full of men.
Pompey accordingly deserted in this way his country _ 13 —
and the rest of Italy, choosing and carrying out quite
the opposite of his former course, when he sailed back
to it from Asia; wherefore he obtained the reverse
fortune and the reverse reputation. Formerly he broke
up his legions at Brundusium, in order not to cause the
citizens any solicitude, but now he was leading away
through the town to fight against them other forces
gathered from Italy. Whereas he had brought the
wealth of the barbarians to Eome, he had now con-
267
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 veyed away from it all that lie possibly could to other
(o. xtr, 705)
places. And of all those at home he was in despair,
but purposed to use against his country foreigners
and the allies once enslaved by him, and he put far
more hope in them both of safety and of power than
in those who had been benefited. Instead of the bril-
liance, therefore, which, acquired in those wars, had
marked his arrival, he set out with humiliation as his
I>ortion ia return for his fear of Caesar : and instead of
fame which he had had for exalting his country, he be-
came most infamous for his desertion of her.
— 14 — At the very moment of coming to land at Dyrrachium
he learned that he should not obtain a prosperous out-
come. Thunderbolts destroyed soldiers even as the
ships were approaching; spiders occupied the army
standards ; and after he had left the vessel serpents fol-
lowed and obliterated his footprints. These were the
portents which he encountered in person, but before
the whole capital others had occurred both that year
and a short time previously. For there is no doubt
about the fact that in seditions the state is injured by
both parties. Hence many wolves and owls were seen
in the City Itself and continual earthquakes with bel-
lowings took place, fire shot down from the west to the
east, and other fires burned both the temple of Qui-
rinus and a second. The sun, too, suffered a total
eclipse, and thunderbolts damaged a sceptre of Jupiter,
a shield and a helmet of Mars that were votive offer-
ings on the Capitol, and furthermore the tablets which
contained the laws. Many animals brought forth crea-
268
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
tures outside of their own species, certain oracles pur- , b. c. 49
^ ' '^ {a. u. 705)
porting to be those of the Sibyl were made kno-wn, and
some men becoming inspired practiced numerous divi-
nations. No praefectus urbi was chosen for the Feriae,
as had been the custom, but the praetors, at least ac-
cording to some accounts, performed all his duties;
others say they did this only in the next year. If the
former are right it happened twice ; and the first sea-
son Perperna who had once been censor with Philippus
died, being the last, as I stated, of all the senators who
had been alive ia his censorship. This event, too,
seemed likely to cause political confusion. The people
were, then, naturally disturbed at the portents, but as
both sides thought and hoped that they could lay them
all on their opponents, they offered no expiatory
sacrifices.
Caesar at this time did not even attempt to saU to —15 —
Macedonia, because he was short of boats and had fears
for Italy, dreading that the lieutenants of Pompey from
Spain might assail and occupy it. He put Brundusium
under guard for the purpose that no one of those de-
parted should sail back again, and went to Eome.
There the senate had been assembled for him outside
the pomerium by Antony and Longinus: they, who
had been expelled from it, now convened that body.
He accordingly made a speech of some length and of a
temperate character, so that they might experience
good-will toward him at the present and feel an excel-
lent hope for the future. And since he saw them dis-
pleased at what was going on and suspicious of the
269
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 multitude of soldiers, he wished to encourage and to
conciliate them somewhat, to the end that quiet might
prevail in their quarter while he was conducting the
war. Therefore he censured no one and delivered no
threat against any person, but made an attack not with-
out imprecations upon those who wished to war against
citizens, and at last moved that ambassadors be sent
immediately in behalf of peace and harmony to the
— 16— consuls and to Pompey. He made these same state-
ments also to the populace, when that body had likewise
assembled outside the pomerium, and he sent for com
from the islands and promised each one of them sev-
enty-five denarii. He hoped to tempt them with this
bait. The men, however, reflected that those who are
pursuing certain ends and those who have attained
them do not think or act alike: at the start of their
operations they make all the most delightful offers to
such as can work against them in any way, but when
they succeed in what they wish, they remember nothing
at all about it and use against those very persons the
power which they have received from them. They re-
membered also the behavior of Marius and Sulla, —
how many kind things they had often told them, and
then what treatment they had given them in return for
their confidence, — and furthermore perceiving Caesar's
necessity and seeing that his armed followers were
many and were everywhere in the city, they were un-
able either to trust or to be cheered by his words. On
the contrary, as they had fresh in their memory the
fear caused by former events, they suspected him also,
particularly because the ambassadors apparently in-
tended to initiate a reconciliation were chosen, to be
270
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
sure, but did not go out. Indeed, for even making , B- c. 49
. (o. u. 705)
mention of them once Piso, his father-in-law, was
severely rebuked. The people, far from getting at that — 17 —
time the money which he had promised them, had to
give him all the rest that remained in the public coffers
for the support of his soldiers, whom they feared.
Amid all these happenings, as being favorable, they
wore the garb of peace, which they had not as yet put
off. Lucius Metellus, a tribune, opposed the proposi-
tion about the money, and when his efforts proved inef-
fectual went to the treasury and kept watch of its
doors. The soldiers, paying little heed to either his
guarding or his outspokenness, cut through the bar, —
for the consuls had the key, as if it were not possible
for persons to use axes in place of it, — and carried out
all the money. In fact, Caesar's other projects also,
as I have often stated, he both brought to vote and
carried out in the same fashion, under the name of
democracy,— the most of them being introduced by An-
tony, — but with the substance of despotism. Both
men named their political rivals enemies of their coun-
try and declared that they themselves were fighting for
the public interests, whereas each really ruined those
interests and increased only his own private posses-
sions.
After taking these steps Caesar occupied Sardinia — is —
and Sicily without a battle, as the governors there at
that time withdrew. Aristobulus he sent home to Pal-
estine to accomplish something against Pompey. He
also allowed the children of those proscribed by Sulla
to canvass for office, and arranged everything else both
in the city and in the rest of Italy to his own best
271
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 advantage, so far as circumstances permitted. Affairs
at home he now committed to Antony's care and him-
self set out for Spain which distinctly chose to follow
Pompey and caused him some uneasiness lest his rival
should induce the Gallic countries to revolt. Mean-
time Cicero and other senators did not appear in Cae-
sar's sight, but retired to join Pompey, who, they be-
lieved, had more justice on his side and would conquer
in the war. For the consuls before setting sail and
Pompey using the authority of proconsul had ordered
them all to accompany him to Thessalonica on the gen-
eral ground that the capital was being held by certain
enemies but that they themselves were the senate and
would maintain the form of the government wherever
they should be. For this reason most of the senators
and the knights, some of them immediately and others
later, and all the cities that were not subdued by
Caesar's arms, embraced his cause.
— 19— The Massilians, however, alone of the peoples who
dwell in Gaul, refused to cooperate with Caesar, and
would not receive him into their city, but made a note-
worthy answer to him. They said they were allies of
the Roman people and were favorably disposed toward
both generals, and they could not go into details and
were not competent to judge which of the two was in
the wrong : consequently, in case of friendly overtures
being made they would receive them both, they said,
without their arms, but on a war basis neither of them.
On being placed in a state of siege they repulsed Caesar
himself and held out for a very long time against Tre-
bonius and Decimus Brutus, who subsequently besieged
them. Caesar contended stoutly for some time, think-
272
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
ing to capture them easily, and regarding it as ridicu- b. c. 49
lous that after vanquishing Rome without a battle he ' ' '
was not received by the Massilians; but later, when
their resistance proved stubborn, he committed them
to the care of others and himself hastened to Spain.
He had sent thither already Gains Fabius, but fearing — 30 —
he would fail while contending by himself, he too began
a campaign. Afranius and Petreius at this time had
charge of affairs in the viciaity of the Iber and had
posted a guard over the pass ia the mountains, but
chiefly they had gathered their forces in Ilerda, and
there awaited the attackers. Fabius repulsed the hos-
tile garrison at the Pyrenees but as he was crossing
the river Sicoris they fell upon him suddenly and killed
many of his men who were cut off. The bridge assisted
them materially by breaking before all had crossed.
When Caesar came up not much later, he crossed the
river by another bridge and challenged them to battle;
but they did not dare to try conclusions with him for a
very considerable number of days, and remained
quietly encamped opposite him. Encouraged from this
cause he undertook to seize the ground, a strong posi-
tion, between their rampart and the city, with the inten-
tion of shutting them off from the walls. Afranius
and his followers on perceiving this occupied it first,
repulsed their assailants, and pursued them when they
fled. Then when others came out against them from
the fortress they first resisted, then yielded purposely,
and so enticed the sallying party into positions which
were favorable to themselves, where they slew many
more of them. After this they took courage, attacked
Caesar's foraging parties and harassed the scattered
VOL. 2.— 18 273
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 members. And on one occasion when some soldiers
(a. u. 70S)
had crossed to the other side of the river and mean-
time a great storm had come up and the bridge which
they had used was destroyed, they crossed over also
by the other bridge, which was near the city, and anni-
hilated them all, as no one was able to come to their
assistance.
— 21 — Caesar, when this continued to happen, fell into des-
perate straits : none of his allies rendered him assist-
ance, for his opponents met and annihilated^ them as
fast as they heard that each one was approaching, and
it was with difficulty that he managed to obtaia provi-
sions, inasmuch as he was in a hostile territory and
unsuccessful in his operations. The Romans at home,
when they ascertained it, renounced all hopes of him,
and believiag that he would survive but a short time
longer fell off to Pompey. Some few senators and
others set out to joia the latter even so late as this.
It happened just at this time that the Massilians were
defeated in a naval battle by Brutus through the size
of his ships and the strength of his marines, although
they had Domitius as an ally and surpassed in their
experience of naval affairs; they were subsequently
shut in entirely. But for this nothing would have pre-
vented Caesar's projects from being ruined. As it was,
however, the victory by preconcerted arrangement was
announced to the Spaniards with so many embellish-
ments that it led some of them to change and follow
the fortunes of Caesar. "When he had obtained these
iVerb suggested by Xylander, Reiske, Bekker.
274
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
as adherents, lie secured plenty of food, constructed ,^- ^' **
bridges, harassed his opponents, and once intercepted
suddenly a number of them who were wandering about
the country and destroyed, them.
Afranius was disheartened at these results, and see- —22 —
ing that affairs in Ilerda were not safe or satisfactory
for a prolonged delay, he determined to retire to the
Iber and to the cities there. He set out on this journey
by night, intending to escape the enemy's notice or at
least get the start of them. His departure proved no
secret, yet he was not immediately pursued, for Caesar
did not think it safe in the darkness to follow up with
men who were strangers to the place an enemy that
was well acquainted with the country. When, however,
day dawned, he hastened forward and overtaking them
in the middle of their journey he encompassed them
suddenly on all sides from a distance; for he was much
superior in numbers and found the bowl-shaped char-
acter of the country a help. He did not wish to come
into close quarters with the enemy, partly because he
was afraid that they might become frenzied and accom-
plish some desperate undertaking, and partly again
because he hoped to win them over without conflict.
This also took place. They tried to break through at
many points, but were unable to do so anywhere : they
were wearied from loss of sleep and from their march ;
they had no food, since, expecting to finish their jour-
ney the same day, they had brought none, and were
not well supplied with water, for that region is notably
waterless: for these reasons they surrendered them-
275
— 24 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 selves, on condition that they should not be maltreated
(O. U. 705) ' . -r.
nor compelled to join his expedition against Pompey.
— 23 — CaBsar kept each of his promises to them scrupulously.
He kUled not a single man captured in this war in spite
of the fact that his foes had once, during a kind of
truce, destroyed some of his own men who were in an
imguarded position; and he did not force them to fight
against Pompey, but released the most eminent and
employed the rest as voluntary allies induced by the
prospect of gains and honors. By this act he grew
very greatly both in reputation and prosperity, and
attached to his cause all the cities in Spain and all th©
soldiers who were in them (some of whom were in
Baetica and others, quite a number, with Marcus Ter-
entius Varro, the lieutenant). In taking charge of
these and arranging their affairs he pursued his course
as far as Gades, injuring no one except so far as a
collection of money was concerned, — for of this he
levied very large amounts. Many of the natives he
honored both privately and publicly and to all the peo-
ple of Gades he granted citizenship, in which the people
of Rome later confirmed them. This kindness he did
them in return for the vision of his dream at the time
that he was quaestor there, wherein he seemed to have
intercourse with his mother and had received the hope
of sole rulership, as I have stated.^ After this act he
assigned that nation to Cassius Longinus because the
latter was accustomed to the inhabitants from his quacs-
torship which he had served under Pompey. Caesar
1 Compare Book Thirty-seven, chapter 52.
276
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
himself proceeded by boat to Tarraco, Thence he , b. c. 49
J (»• «• 705)
advanced across the Pyrenees, but did not set up any
trophy on their summits because he understood that
not even Pompey was well spoken of for so doing; but
he erected a great altar constructed of polished stones
not far from his rival's trophies.
While this was going on the Massilians, as ships had —25 —
again been sent them by Pompey, faced danger afresh.
They were defeated, to be sure, on this occasion also,
but held their ground even though they learned that
Caesar was already master of Spain. All attacks they
vigorously repulsed and mad© a truce, pretendedly for
the purpose of arranging terms with Caesar, when he
should come. Then they sent out Domitius secretly
and wrought such havoc among the soldiers who had
attacked them in the midst of the truce and by night,
that these ventured to make no further attempts. With
Caesar, however, when he came himself, they mado
terms: he at that time deprived them of their arms,
ships and money, and later of everything else except
the name of freedom. To counterbalance this misfor-
tune Phocaea, their mother city, was made independent
by Pompey.
At Placentia some soldiers mutinied and refused to _ 26 —
accompany Caesar longer, under the pretext that they
were exhausted, but really because he did not allow
them to plunder the country nor to do all the other
things on which their minds were set ; they were hoping
to obtain anything whatever of him, inasmuch as he
stood in such tremendous need of them. Yet he did
277
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c 49 not yield, but, with a view to being safe from them and
(o. u. 705) J J t o
in order that after listening to his address and seeing
the persons punished they should feel no wish in any
way to transgress the established rules, he called to-
gether both the mutinous body and the rest^ and spoke
as follows : —
— 27— " Fellow soldiers, I desire to have your love, and
still I should not choose on that account to participate
in your errors. I am fond of you and should wish, as
a father might for his children, that you should be pre-
served, be prosperous, and have a good repute. Do
not think it is the duty of one who loves to assent to
things which ought not to be done, and for which it is
quite inevitable that dangers and ill-repute should fall
to the lot of his beloved, but rather he must teach them
the better way and keep them from the worse, both by
advising and by disciplining them. You will recognize
that I speak the truth if you do not estimate advantage
with reference to the pleasure of the moment but in-
stead with reference to what is continually beneficial,
and if you will avoid thinking that gratifying your
desires is more noble than restraining them. It is dis-
graceful to take pleasure temporarily in something of
which you must later repent, and it is outrageous after
conquering the enemy to be vanquished by some pleas-
ure or other.
— 28 — "To what do the words I speak apply? To the fact
that you have provisions in abundance, — I am going
to speak right out with no disguise : you do get your
pay in full and on time and you are always and every-
278
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
where supplied with, plenty of food — that you endure , b. c. 49
■f^ ^ •' •' {a. u. 705)
no inglorious toil nor useless danger ; furthermore that
you gather many great prizes for your bravery and are
rebuked little or not at all for your errors, and yet you
do not see fit to be satisfied with these things. I am
speaking not of all of you, for you are not all such men,
but only to those who for their own gain are casting
reproach on the rest. Most of you obey my orders
very scrupulously and satisfactorily, abide by your an-
cestral customs, and in that way have acquired so much
land and wealth and glory; some few, however, are
attaching much disgrace and disrespect to all of us.
Though I understood clearly before this that they were
that sort of persons, — for there is none of your inter-
ests that I fail to notice, — still I pretended not to know
it, thinking that they might become better if they be-
lieved they were not observed in some of their evil
deeds and had the fear that if they ever presumed too
far they might be punished for the guilt of which they
were conscious. Since they, however, proceeding on
the ground that they may do whatever they wish be-
cause they were not brought to book at the very start,
are overbold and are trying to make the rest of you,
who are guilty of no irregularity, likewise mutinous,
it becomes necessary for me to devote some care to
them and to give them my attention. In general, no —zg —
society of men can preserve its unity and continue to
exist, if the criminal element be not disciplined : if tho
part afflicted does not receive proper medicine, it
causes all the rest, as in fleshly bodies, to be sick at the
279
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 same time. And least of all in armies can discipline
(a. u. 705)
be relaxed, because wlien the wrongdoers have strength,
they become more daring and corrupt the excellent also
by causing them to grow dejected and to believe that
they will obtain no benefit from right behavior. Wher-
ever the insolent element has the advantage, there in-
evitably the decent element has the worst of it: and
wherever injustice is unpunished, there uprightness
also goes without reward. What is there you could
assert is doing right, if these men are doing no wrong?
How could you logically desire to be honored, if these
men do not endure their just punishment? Are you
ignorant of the fact that if one class is freed from the
fear of retribution and the other is deprived of the
hope of prizes, no good is brought about, but only num-
berless ills? Hence if you really practice valor and
excellence, you should detest these men as enemies.
What is friendly is not distinguished from what is
hostile by any characteristic of birth, but is determined
by habits and actions, which if they are good can make
the alien intimate, but if they are bad can alienate
— 30— everything, even kindred. And you should speak in
your own defence, because by the behavior of these
few we must all inevitably fall into disrepute, even if
we have done no wrong. Every one who is acquainted
with our numbers and progress refers the errors of the
few to us all ; and thus though we do not share in their
gains, we bear an equal share of their reproach. Who
would not be indignant at hearing that we had the
name of Romans, but did deeds of the Celtse? Who
would not lament the sight of Italy ravaged like Brit-
ain? Is it not outrageous for us to cease injuring the
280
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
possessions of tlie Gauls, because they are subdued, ^- C- 49
and then to devastate the property of dwellers south
of the Alps, as if they were some Epirots, or Cartha-
ginians, or Cimbi? Is it not disgraceful for us to
give ourselves airs and say that we were the first of the
Eomans to cross the Rhine and to sail the ocean, and
then to plunder our native land which is safe from
harm at the hands of foes and to receive blame instead
of praise, dishonor in place of honor, loss instead of
gain, punishment instead of prizes ? Do not think that — 31 —
because you are in the army, that makes you stronger
than the citizens at home. You are both Romans^ and
they like you both have been and will be soldiers. Nor
yet again that because you have arms, it is permitted
you to injure. The laws have more authority than you,
and some day you wiU without fail lay down these
weapons. Do not, agaiu, rely on your numbers. Those
capable of being wronged are, if they unite, more than
you. And they will unite, if you do wrong. Do not,
because you have conquered the barbarians, despise
these citizens also, from whom you differ not the slight-
est either in birth or in education, in the matter of food
or in customs. Instead, as is proper and advantageous
for you, use no violence and wrong no one of them, but
receive provisions from their willingness to provide,
and accept rewards from their willing hands. In addi- — 33 _
tion to what I have just said and other considerations
that one might cite who should enter upon a long dis-
cussion of such questions, you must also take account
of the following fact, — that we have come here now
to assist our country under oppression and to ward off
those that are harming her. If she were in no danger,
281
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 -^Q should neither have come into Italy with arms, —
{a. u. 705)
since it is unlawful, — nor should we have left unfin-
ished the business of the Celts and Britons, when we
might have subjugated those regions too. Then is it
not remarkable if we who are here for vengeance upon
the evildoers should show ourselves no less greedy of
gain than they? Is it not inconceivable that when we
have arrived to aid our country we should force her
to require other allies against us? And yet I think
my claims so much better warranted than Pompey's
that I have often challenged him to a trial; and since
he by reason of his guilty conscience has refused to
have the questions peaceably decided, I hope by this act
of his to attach to my cause all the allies and the entire
people. But now, if we also shall take up a course
similar to his, I shall not have any decent excuse to
offer nor be able to charge my opponents with any un-
becoming conduct. You must also look ahead very
carefully to the justice of your cause. If you have
this, the strength that arms afford is full of hope, but
without it nothing remains sure, though for the moment
a man may be successful.
— 33— " That nature has ordained this most of you under-
stand, and you fulfill all your duties without urging.
That is why I have convened you, — to make you both
witnesses and spectators of my words and acts. But you
are not of such a character as some men I have been
mentioning and therefore it is that you receive praise.
Only some few of you observe how, in addition to work-
ing many injuries and paying no penalty at all for
them hitherto, these malcontents are also threatening
us. However, as a general principle, I do not think
282
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
it •well for any ruler to be subdued by bis subjects, nor , ^- c. 49
•^ •' ' {a. u. 705)
do I believe tbat any safety could possibly result, if the
class appointed to assist a person should attempt to
overcome him. Consider what sort of order could
exist in a house where those in the prime of youth
should despise their elders, or what order in schools,
if the students should pay no heed to their instructors?
What health would there be for the sick, if those indis-
posed should not obey their physicians in all points,
or what safety for the navigators if the sailors should
turn a deaf ear to their pilots? It is by a natural law
both necessary and salutary that the principle of ruling
and again that of being ruled have been placed among
men, and without them it is impossible for anything to
continue to exist for ever so short a time. Now it
belongs to him who is stationed over another both to
think out and to command the requisite course, and to
bim who is made subservient to obey without question-
ing and to put the order into action. By this the sen-
sible element is distinguished from the senseless and
the understanding element from the ignorant in all
matters.
' ' Since these things are so I would never imder com- — 34 —
pulsion assent to these brawlers nor give them my per-
mission perforce. Why am I sprung from uEneas and
lulus, why have I been praetor, why consul, for what
end have I led some of you out from home and gathered
others later, for what end have I received and held the
authority of a proconsul now for so long a time, if I
am to be a slave to any one of you and conquered by
any one of you here in Italy and near to Eome, — I, to
whom you owe your subjection of the Gauls and your
283
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 conquest of Britain? Wliat should I fear or dread?
(a. u. 705) ^
That some one of you will kill me ? Nay, but if you all
had this mind, I would voluntarily choose to die
rather than to give up the dignity of my position as
leader or to abandon the attitude of mind befitting the
head of an enterprise. For a far greater danger than
the unjust death of one man confronts the city, if the
soldiers shall become accustomed to issue orders to
their generals and to take the justice of the law into
— 35— their own hands. No one of them, however, has so
much as made this threat: if he had, I am sure he
would have been slain forthwith by the rest of you.
But they are withdrawing from the campaign on the
pretence of being wearied and are laying down their
arms because (thejr say) they are worn out, and cer-
tainly if they do not obtain my consent to this wish of
theirs, they will leave their ranks and go over to Pom-
pey : some of them make this perfectly evident. Who
would not be glad to be deprived of such men, and who
would not pray that such soldiers might belong to his
rival, seeing that they are not content with what is
given and are not obedient to orders, but that simulat-
ing old age in the midst of youth and in strength simu-
lating weakness they claim the right to lord it over
their rulers and to tyrannize over their leaders ? I had
ten thousand times rather be reconciled with Pompey
on any terms whatever or suffer any other conceivable
fate than do anything unworthy of my native thought
or of my own deliberate policy. Are you unaware that
it is not sovereignty or gain that I desire and that I am
not bent upon accomplishing anything absolutely, and
at any cost, so that I would lie and flatter and fawn
284
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
upon people to tMs end? "Will you give up, then, for b, c. 49
(£8. Urn 7v&}
tnese reasons the campaign, what can I call you?
Yet still it shall be not as you yourselves desire and
say, but as is profitable for the commonwealth and for
myself."
After this speech he distributed lots among them for
the infliction of the death penalty, and the most auda-
cious, — for these, as was previously arranged, drew
the lots, — he condemned, and the rest he dismissed,
saying he had no further need of them. And they
repented of what they had done and were ready to
renew the campaign.
While he was still on the way Marcus jEmilius Lepi- — 36 —
dus, the man who later became a member of the trium-
virate, in his capacity of praetor took counsel with the
people to elect Caesar dictator and immediately moved
his nomination, contrary to ancestral custom. The
latter accepted the office as soon as he entered the city,
but committed no act of terror while in it. On the con-
trary he granted a return to all the exiles except Milo,
and filled the offices for the ensuing year : at that time
they had chosen no one temporarily in place of the
absentees, and whereas there was no aedile in town, the
tribunes exercised all the functions pertaining to the
aedileship : moreover he set up priests in the places of
those who were lost (though not observing all the de-
tailed ceremonies that were customary for them at such
a juncture), and to the Gauls who live this side of the
Alps and beyond the Po he gave citizenship because he
had once governed them. After effecting this he re-
signed the name of dictator, for he had quite all the
power and functions of the position constantly in his
285
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 49 grasp. He employed the strength, that is afforded by
arms, and also got in addition a quasi-legal authority
from the senate that was on the spot ; for he was per-
mitted to do with impunity whatever he might wish,
— 37— Having obtained this he at once set aright an affair
of great moment and necessity. The money lenders
had exacted money quite relentlessly from some, who
needed large fimds on account of the political disputes
and the wars. Many of the debtors by reason of the
same events were not able, even if they wished it, to
pay back anything; for they did not find it easy to sell
anything or to borrow more. Hence the mutual dealings
of the two classes were ofttimes marked by deceit and
ofttimes by treachery, so that there was fear of the
matter progressing till it became an incurable evil.
Certain modifications in regard to interest had been
made even before this by some of the tribunes, but
since even so payment was not secured, but the one
class kept forfeiting its securities and the other de-
manding the principal in money, Caesar now came to
the aid of both so far as he could. He ordered that
securities should have a fixed valuation according to
their worth, and to decide that point he assigned arbi-
ters to be allotted to persons disputing any point.
_ 38 — Since also many were said to possess large properties
but to be concealing all their wealth, he forbade any one
to have more than fifteen thousand denarii in silver
or gold : this law, he alleged, he did not enact himself,
but he was simply enforcing a measure some time pre-
viously introduced. His object was either that those
who owed should make good some of their debt to the
lenders and the rest lend to such as needed, or else that
286
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the well-to-do might be clearly apparent and no one of ^- ^-Al^
them keep his property all together, for fear some
political change might take place in his absence. When
the populace, elated at this, asked that in addition to
it rewards be offered to servants for information
against their masters, he refused to add such a clause
to the law and furthermore called down dire destruc-
tion upon himself if he should ever trust a slave speak-
ing against his master.
Caesar after doing this and removing all the Capito- — 39 —
line offerings and others hastened to Brundusium to-
ward the close of the year and before entering upon
the consulship to which he had been elected. An.d as
he was attending to the details of his departure a kite
in the Forum let fall a sprig of laurel upon one of his
companions. Later, while he was sacrificing to For-
tuna, the bull escaped before being wounded, rushed
out of the city, and coming to a kind of pond swam
across it. As a consequence he continued his prepara-
tions with greater courage and especially because the
soothsayers declared that destruction should be his if
he remained at home, but if he crossed the sea salva-
tion and victory. When he had gone, the boys in the
city spontaneously divided into two classes, one side
calling itself Pompeiians and the other Csesarians, and
they fought one another after a fashion without arms,
and those conquered who used Caesar's name.
While such was the progress of events in Rome and —40 —
in Spain, Marcus Octavius and Lucius Scribonius Libo
by using Pompey's fleet expelled from Dalmatia Pub-
lius Cornelius Dolabella, who was there attending to
Caesar's interests. After this they shut up Gains An-
287
■41 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
.^' ^\tl. tonius, who was desirous of aiding Mm, in a little islet
(o. u. 705) ' ° '
and there, abandoned by the natives and oppressed by
hunger, they captured him with all his force save a
few; some of them had escaped in season to the main-
land, and others who were sailing across on rafts and
were caught made away with themselves. Curio had
meanwhile reduced Sicily without a battle; for Cato,
fthe governor of it, being no match for him and not
wishing idly to expose the cities to danger, withdrew
beforehand to Pompey; afterward, however, the con-
queror passed over to Africa and perished. At his ap-
proach by sea Lucius Caesar abandoned the city of As-
pis in which he merely happened to be staying, and
Publius Attius Varus, then in charge of the affairs of
that region, was defeated by him and lost many soldiers
and a few cities. Juba, however, son of Hiempsus and
king over the Numidians, esteemed the interests of
Pompey as those of the people and the senate, and
hated Curio both for this reason and because the latter
when tribune had attempted to take away his kingdom
from him and confiscate the land: therefore he vigor-
ously prosecuted the war against him. He did not wait
for him to invade his home country of Numidia but as-
sailed him with something less than his entire force at
the siege of Utica, for fear that the Eoman, being pre-
viously informed, might retire; and he was rather
more anxious to take vengeance on him than to re-
pulse him. Accordingly, Juba sent forward a few men
who reported that the king had departed in some other
direction and to a distance : he himself followed after
288
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
these aad did not miss the results he had hoped for. , ^- ^•_ ^?.
•*■ (O. It. 705)
Before this Curio with the idea that his enemy was —48 —
approaching had transferred his men to the camp near
the sea and had framed an intention, in case he were
hard pushed, of embarking on the ships and leaving
Africa altogether. But when he ascertained that only
a few men were arriving and these without Juha^ he
took courage and started out that very night as if to
a victory waiting for him, and fearing only that they
should escape him. In his advance he destroyed some
of the van who were sleeping on the road and became
much emboldened. Next, about dawn^ he encountered
the rest who had started out ahead from the camp; and
without any delay, in spite of the fact that his soldiers
were exhausted both by the march and by loss of sleep,
he at once joined battle with them. At this juncture,
while matters were at a standstill and they were fight-
ing rather evenly, Juba suddenly appeared upon the
scene and by his unexpected coming as well as by his
numbers overwhelmed him. Curio and most of the
others he killed on the spot by means of this surprise,
and the rest he pursued as far as the ditch, after which
he confined them to their ships and in the midst of the
confusion got possession of large amoimts of money
and destroyed many men. Numbers of them perished
when they seemed to have escaped, some being knocked
down in the melee while boarding the boats, and others
drowned while in the ships themselves by the overload-
ing of the vessels. During these occurrences some be-
ing afraid they might suffer the same fate went over to
VOL. 2.— 19 289
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
(r* if' 7051 ^^^^^ expecting that their lives would be spared, but
received no benefit from it. For Juba asserted that it
was he who had conquered them and so slaughtered
them all except a few. Thus. Curio died after render-
ing most valuable assistance to Caesar upon whom he
had founded many hopes. Juba found honors at the
hands of Pompey and the senators who were in Mace-
donia and was saluted as king: but on the part of
Caesar and those in the city he was censured and de-
clared an enemy, while Bocchus and Bogud were
named kings because they were hostile to him.
— 43 — The ensuing year the Eomans had two sets of magis-
[(«.«. 706) trates, contrary to custom, and a mighty conflict was
engendered. The people of the city had chosen as con-
suls Caesar and Publius Servilius, together with prae-
tors, and everything else according to law : the party in
Thessalonica had made no such preparations although
they had by some accounts about two hundred of the
senate and the consuls and had appropriated a small
piece of land for divinations to the end that their pro-
ceedings might seem to take place under a certain form
of law. Wherefore they regarded the people and the
entire city as present there (the reason being that the
consuls had not introduced the lex curiata), and they
employed those same officials as formerly, only chang-
ing their names and calling some proconsuls, others
propraetors, and others pro-quaestors. For they were
very careful about ancestral customs even though they
had raised their arms against their country and aban-
doned their native shores, and were anxious to per-
290
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
form all necessary acts not merely with a view to s- c. 48
, (»• «• 706)
temporary demands or contrary to the exact wording
of the ordinances. It is quite true that nominally these
officials ruled the two parties, but in reality it was Pom-
pey and Caesar who were supreme, bearing, for the
sake of good repute, the legal titles, — one that of con-
sul and the other that of proconsul,— and doing not
what the magistrates allowed but whatever they them-
selves pleased.
Under these conditions, with the government divided —44 —
in twain, Pompey wintered in Thessalonica and did
not keep a very careful guard of the coast. He did
not think that Caesar had yet arrived in Italy from
Spain, and even if he were there he did not suspect that
his rival, in winter, at least, would venture to cross the
Ionian sea. Caesar was in Brundusium, waiting for
spring, but when he ascertained that Pompey was
some distance off and that Epirus just opposite was
rather heedlessly guarded, he seized the opportunity
of the war to attack him while in a state of relaxation.
When the winter was about half gone he set out with a
portion of his army, — there were not enough ships to
carry them all across at once, — escaped the attention
of Marcus Bibulus to whom the guarding of the sea
had been committed, and crossed to the so-called Ce-
raunian Headlands, a point in the confines of Epirus,
near the opening of the Ionian gulf. Having reached
there before it became noised abroad that he would
sail at all, he despatched the ships to Brundusium for
the rest : but Bibulus damaged them on the return voy-
291
DIO S ROMAN HISTORY
-^•*^\15v asce and actually took some in tow, so tliat CaBsar
(a. M. 706) o J
learned by experience that lie liad enjoyed a more for-
tunate tlian prudent voyage.
— 45 — During this delay, therefore, he acquired Oricum and
ApoUonia and other points there which had been aban-
doned by Pompey's garrisons. This " Corinthian Ap-
oUonia " is well situated as regards the land and as
regards the sea, and excellently in respect to rivers.
[What I have remarked, however, above all else is that
a huge fire issues from the ground near the Aous river
and neither spreads to any extent over the surrounding
land nor sets on fire that very place where it is located
nor even makes the groimd dry and brittle, but leaves
the grass and trees flourishing very near it. In pour-
ing rains it increases and rises high. For this reason
it is called Nymphseum^ and affords a kind of oracle.
You take a grain of incense and after making what-
ever prayer you wish throw it carrying the prayer.
At this the fire, if your wish is to be fulfilled, receives
it very readily and in case the grain falls somewhere
outside, darts forward, snatches it up and consumes
it. But if the wish is not to be fulfilled, the fire does
not go to it, and if it is carried into the flame, the latter
recedes and flees before it. These two actions it per-
forms in this way in all matters save those of death
and marriage: about these two it is not granted any
one to learn anything whatever from it.
—46— Such is the nature of this marvel. Now as Antony,
to whom had been assigned the duty of conveying those
1 1, e., " Temple " or " Place of the Nymphs."
292
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
that remained at Bmndusium, proved slow, and no ,^'^'^IL
message came about them on account of the winter and
of Bibulus, Caesar suspected that they had adopted a
neutral attitude and were watching the course of
events, as often happens in political disputes. Wish-
ing, therefore, to sail himself to Italy, and alone, he
embarked on a small boat as some one else, saying that
he had been sent by Caesar ; and he forced the captain,
although there was a wind, to set sail. When, however,
they were away from land, the gale came sweepiag
violently down upon them and the billows rocked them
terribly, so that the captain not even under compulsion
dared any longer sail on, but undertook to return even
without his passenger's consent. Then the latter re-
vealed himself, as if by this act he should stop the
storm, and said, "Be of good cheer: you carry
Caesar." Such a disposition and such a hope he had,
either accidentally or as the result of some oracle, that
he felt a secure trust in safety even contrary to the ap-
pearance of things. Nevertheless, he did not get across,
but after struggling for a long time in vain sailed
back.
After this he encamped opposite Pompey, near Ap- — 47 —
sus. The latter as soon as he had heard of his rival's
advent had made no delay, but hoping to quell him
easily before he secured the presence of the rest who
were with Antony, he marched in haste and in some
force toward ApoUonia. Caesar advanced to meet him
as far as the river, thinking that even as he was he
would prove a match for the troops then approaching :
293
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
/ ^" ^'J^. but when he learned that he was actually far inferior
{a. u. 706) •'
in numbers, he halted. In order that this action should
not seem due to fear, and he not be thought to be open-
ing the war, he submitted some conciliatory proposals
to the opposing body and continued his abode in that
place. Pompey, knowing this, wished to try conclusions
with him as soon as possible and for this reason under-
took to cross the river. But the bridge on receiving
the weight broke down and some of the advance guard,
being isolated, perished. Then he desisted in dejec-
tion that he had failed in his first recourse to hostile
action. Meanwhile Antony had arrived, and Pompey
— 48— in fear retired to Dyrrachium. While Bibulus lived,
Caesar's lieutenant had not dared even to set out from
Brundusium, so dose was the guard kept over it. But
when that officer, worn out by hard work, had died and
Libo succeeded him as admiral, Antony despised him
and set sail with the evident intention of forcing the
passage. Driven back to land he repelled the other's
vigorous attack upon him and later, when Libo was
anxious to disembark somewhere, he allowed him to
find anchorage nowhere near that part of the mainland.
The admiral being in need of anchorage and water,
since the little island in front of the harbor, which was
the only place he could approach, is destitute of water
and harbor alike, sailed off to some distant point where
he was likely to find both in abundance. In this way
Antony was enabled to set sail, and later when the foe
attempted to assail them on the high seas he suffered
no damage at his hands : a violent storm came up which
prevented the attack, but caused injuries to both sides.
— 49 — When the soldiers had come safely across, Pompey,
294
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
as I have said, retired to DyrracMum, and Caesar fol- ,^- ^-H,
' •' ' . (a. «. 706)
lowed Mm, encouraged by the fact that he had survived
his previous experiences with the number of followers
he now had. Dyrrachium is situated in the land for-
merly belonging to the tribe of Illyrians calledParthini,
but now and even at that time regarded as a part of
Macedonia ; and it is very favorably placed, whether it
be the Epidamnus of the Corcyraeans or some other.
Those who record this fact also refer its founding and
its name to a hero Dyrrachus. The other authorities
have declared that the place was renamed by the Eo-
mans with reference to the difficulties of the rocky
shore, because the term Epidamnus has in the Latin
tongue the meaning " loss," and so seemed to be very
ill-omened for their crossing over to it.
Pompey after taking refuge in this Dyrrachium built
a camp outside the city and surrounded it with deep — so —
ditches and stout palisades. Caesar encamped over
against it and made assaults, in the hope of shortly
capturing the palisades by the number of his soldiers :
when, however, he was repulsed, he attempted to wall
it off. While he was at that work, Pompey fortified
some points by stakes, cut off others by a wall, and
fortified still others with a ditch, establishing towers*
and guards on the high places, so as to render the cir-
cuit of the encompassing wall necessarily infinite and to
render an approach impossible to the foe, even if they
conquered. There were meanwhile many battles be-
tween them, but brief ones, in which now one party,
now the other, was victorious or beaten, so that a few
were killed on both sides alike. Upon Dyrrachium
itself Caesar made an attempt by night, between the
295
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 marslies and the sea. in the expectation that it would
(o. u. 706)
be betrayed by its defenders,, He passed inside the
narrows, but at that point was attacked by many in
front and many behind, who were conveyed along the
shore in boats and suddenly fell upon him ; thus he lost
numerous men and very nearly perished himself. Af-
ter this occurrence Pompey took courage and concerted
a plan for a night assault upon the circumvallation ;
as he was unexpected he captured a portion of it by
storm and caused a great slaughter among the men en-
camped near it.
— 51— Caesar in view of this event and because the grain
had failed him, — the entire sea and land in the vicinity
being hostile, — and because for this reason some had
deserted, feared that he might either be overcome while
watching his adversary or be abandoned by his other
followers. Therefore he leveled all the works that had
been constructed, destroyed also all the parallel walls,
and thereupon made a sudden start and set out for
Thessaly. During this same time that Dyrrachium was
being besieged Lucius Cassius Longinus and Gnseus
Domitius Calvinus had been sent by him into Maccr
donia and into Thessaly. Longinus was disastrously
defeated by Scipio and by Sadalus, a Thracian; Cal-
vinus was repulsed from Macedonia by Faustus, but on
receiving accessions from the Locrians and ^tolians
he invaded Thessaly with these troops, and after being
ambushed and then again laying counter-ambuscades
conquered Scipio in battle, and by that act gained a
few cities. Thither, accordingly, Caesar hastened,
296
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
thinking that by combining with these ofiBeers he could ^- ^-J^.
more easily get an abundance of food and continue the
prosecution of the war. When no one would receive
him, because he had had bad luck, he reluctantly held
aloof from the larger settlements, but assaulted Grom-
phi, a little city of Thessaly, took it, killed many and
plundered all its inhabitants in order that by this act
he might inspire the rest with terror. Metropolis, at
any rate, another town, would have no conflict with
him but forthwith capitulated without a struggle : and
as he did no harm to its citizens he more easily won
over some other places by his display of equal readi-
ness in opposite contingencies.
So he became strong again. Pompey did not insti- _ 52 —
tute an immediate pursuit, for his antagonist had with-
drawn suddenly by night and had hastily crossed the
Genusus river: however, he was strongly inclined to
think that he had subdued him completely. Conse-
quently he assmned the name of imperator, though he
made no boast of it and did not even wind laurel about
his fasces, disHking to show such exultation over the
downfall of citizens. Consistently with this same at-
titude he neither saUed to Italy himself nor sent any
others there, though he might easily have reduced the
whole peniasula. As regards a fleet he was absolute
master, for he had five hundred swift ships and could
touch at many points at once: and the sentiment of
that country was not opposed to him, nor, if it had been
ever so hostUe, could the people have been a match for
him in war. But he wished to remain at a distance, so
297
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 as to get the reputation of fiffhtinff for his land, and did
{a. «. 706) ox- o o 7
not see fit to cause any fear to the persons who were
then in Eome. Hence he made no attempt on Italy, not
even sending to the government any despatch about his
successes. But after this he set out against Caesar and
came to Thessaly.
— 53— As they lay opposite each other the appearance of
the camps bore, indeed, some resemblance of war^ but
the use of arms was suspended as in time of peace. As
they reviewed the greatness of the danger and foresaw
the obscurity and uncertainty of the issue, and still
stood in some awe of their common ancestry and kin-
ship, they were led to delay. Meanwhile they ex-
changed propositions about friendship and appeared
to some likely to become reconciled without accomplish-
ing anything. This was due to the fact that they were
both reaching out for supreme dominion and were in-
fluenced by a great deal of native ambition and a great
deal of acquired rivalry, — for men can least endure to
be outdone by their equals and intimates; they were
not willing to make any concessions to each other,
since each felt that he might win, nor could they feel
any confidence, if they did come to terms, that they
would not be always yearning for the advantage and
— 54— fall into strife again over complete control. In temper
they differed from each other to this extent, — that
Pompey desired to be second to no man and Caesar to
be first of all, and the former was anxious to be honored
by willing subjects and to preside over and be loved
by a people fully consenting, whereas the latter cared
298
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
not at all if he ruled over an unwilling nation and is- b. c. 48
° {a. u. 706)
sued orders to men that hated hinij and bestowed the
honors with his own hand upon himself. The deeds,
however, through which they hoped to accomplish all
that they wished, were perforce common to both alike.
For it was impossible that either one of them should
succeed without fighting against his countrymen, lead-
ing foreigners agaiast kindred, obtaining much money
by unjust pillage, and killing unlawfully many of his
dearest associates. Hence, even though they differed
in their desires, yet in their acts, by which they hoped
to fulfill those desires, they were alike. Consequently
they would not yield to each other on any point, in
spite of the many just grounds that they alleged, and
finally came into collision.
The struggle proved a mighty one, and resembled no — 55 —
other conflict. The leaders believed themselves to be
the most skilled in all matters of warfare and clearly
the most distinguished not only of the Romans but also
of the remainder of mankind then in existence. They
had practiced those pursuits from boyhood, had con-
stantly been connected with them, had exhibited deeds
worthy of note, had been conspicuous for great valor
and great good fortune, and were therefore most
worthy of commanding and most worthy of vic-
tory. As to forces, Caesar had the largest and
the most genuuiely Eoman portion of the citizen-
army and the most warlike men from the rest of Italy,
from Spain, and the whole of Gaul and the islands that
he had conquered : Pompey had attracted many from
299
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 the senatorial and tlie equestrian order and from the
(o. M. 706) ^
regular enrollment and had gathered a vast number
from subject and pacified peoples and kings. Aside
from Pharnaces and Orodes, — the latter, indeed^ al-
though an enemy because of his having killed the
Crassi, he tried to win over, — all the rest who had
ever had even the smallest dealings with Pompey gave
him money and either sent or led auxiliaries. The
Parthian king promised to be his ally if he should take
Syria : but as he did not get it, the prince did not help
him. While Pompey decidedly excelled in numbers,
Caesar's followers were equal to them in strength, and
so, the advantage being even, they just balanced each
other and were equally prepared for danger.
_5e_ In these circumstances and by the very cause and
purpose of the war a most notable struggle took place.
The city of Eome and the entire dominion over it, even
then great and mighty, lay before them as a prize : it
was clear to all that it would become the slave of him
who conquered. When they reflected on this fact and
furthermore recalled their former deeds,— Pompey,
Africa and Sertorius and Mithridates and Tigranes
and the sea : Caesar, Gaul and Spain and the Ehine and
Britain, — they were excited to frenzy, thinking that
they were facing danger for those conquests too, and
each was eager to acquire the other's glory. For the
renown of the vanquished no less than his other pos-
sessions becomes the property of the victors. The
greater and more powerful the antagonist that a man
— 57 — overthrows, to the greater heights is he raised. There-
300
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
fore they delivered to the soldiers also many exhorta- ,^- *^„t!,
"^ •' {a. u. 706)
tions, but very much, alike on both sides, saying all that
is fitting to be mentioned on such occasions with refer-
ence both to the immediate nature of the danger and
to its future results. As they both came from the same
state and were talking to the same subjects and calling
each other tyrants and themselves liberators from
tyranny, they had nothing of different kinds to say,
but stated that it would be the lot of the one party to
die, of the other to be preserved, of the one party to be
captives, of the other to enjoy the master's lot, to pos-
sess everything or to be deprived of everything, to suf-
fer or to inflict a most terrible fate. After giving some
such exhortations to the citizens and furthermore lead-
ing the subject and allied contingents into hopes for
the better and fears for the worse, they hurled at each
other kinsmen, sharers of the same tent, those who had
eaten together, those who had drunk together. Why
should any one then lament the fate of others involved,
when those very men, who were all these things to each
other, and had shared many secret words, many similar
exploits, who had once been concerned in a marriage
and loved the same child, one as a father, the other as
grandfather, nevertheless fought? All the ties that
nature by mingling their blood had created, they now,
directed by insatiate lust of power, hastened to break,
tear, and cleave asunder. Because of them Eome was
forced to encounter danger for herself against herself,
and though victor to be worsted.
Such was the struggle in which they joined. They —68—
301
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 did not, however, immediately come to close quarters.
(a. «. 706) J > J -a
Sprung from the same country and from the same
hearth, with almost identical weapons and similar for-
mation, each side shrank from beginaiiig the battle,
shrank from slaying any one. There was great silence,
then, and dejection on the part of both; no one went
forward nor moved at aU : but with heads bowed they
stood motionless, as if devoid of life. Caesar and Pom-
pey, therefore, fearing that if they remaiaed quiet any
longer their animosity might be dulled or they might
even become reconciled, hurriedly commanded the
trumpeters to blow the signal and the men to raise the
war cry in unison. Both orders were obeyed, but the
contestants were so far from being imbued with cour-
age, that at the similar sound of the trumpeter's call
and at their own outcry in the same language, they felt
their affinity and were impressed with their kinship,
— 69 — and so fell into tears and wailing. At length the allied
troops began the battle, and the rest joined in combat,
fairly beside themselves at what they were doing.
Those whose part in the conflict was a distant one were
less sensible of the horror; they threw, shot, hurled
javelins, discharged slings, without knowing whom they
hit : but the heavy-armed and the cavalry had a fearful
experience, as they were close to each other and could
even speak a little back and forth ; at the same moment
they would recognize their vis-a-vis and would wound
him, would call to him and slaughter him, would re-
member their country and despoil the slain. These
were the actions and the sufferings of the Romans and
302
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the rest from Italy who were joined with them in the ^- c. 4S
(a. u. 706)
campaign, wherever they happened upon each other.
Many sent messages home through their very destroy-
ers. The subject force fought both zealously and un-
flinchingly, showing much alertness as once for their
own freedom, so now to secure the slavery of the Eo-
mans ; they Wanted, since they were inferior to them at
all points, to have them as fellow-slaves.
It was a very great battle and full of diverse inci- — eo —
dents, partly for the reasons mentioned and partly on
account of the numbers and the variety of the arma-
ments. There were vast bodies of heavy-armed sol-
diers, vast bodies bf cavalry, others that were archers
and still others that Vere slingers, so that they occupied
the whole plaia and when scattered often fought with
their own men, because similarly arrayed, and often
promiscuously with others. Pompey surpassed in his
body of horse and atchers; hence they surrounded
troops from a distance, employed sudden assaults, and
after throwing them into confusion retired ; then again
and still again they would attack them, changing now
to this side and now to that. The Caesarians were on
their guard against this, and by deploying their ranks
always managed to face those assailing them, and when
they came into close quarters with them readily laid
hold of both men and horses in the contest ; light-armed
infantry had, in fact, been drawn up with their cavalry
for this very purpose. And all this took place, as I
said, not in one spot but in many places at once, scat-
tered all about ; and with some contending from a dis-
303
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
(^' ^'7o«) *^^^® ^^^ others fighting at close quarters, this body
smiting its opponents and that group getting struck,
one detachment fleeing, and a second pursuing, many-
infantry battles and many cavalry battles as weU were
ito be seen. Under these conditions many unexpected
things happened. One man having routed another was
himself turned to flight, and another who had forced
a man out of line was in turn attacked by him. One
soldier who had struck another was himself wounded,
and a second, who had fallen, killed the enemy who
stood over him. Many died without being wounded,
and many when half dead caused more slaughter. Some
exulted and sang the paean, while others were grieved
and lamented, so that all places were filled with cries
and groans. The majority were thrown into confusion
by this fact, for the mass of words which were unintel-
ligible to them, because belonging to different nations
and languages, alarmed them greatly, and those who
could understand one another suffered a calamity
many times worse; in addition to their private mis-
fortunes they saw and heard at the same time those of
near neighbors.
— 61— At last, after they had struggled evenly for a very
long space of time and many on both sides alike had
fallen or been wounded, Pompey, since the larger part
of his army was Asiatic and untrained, was defeated,
even as had been made clear to him before the action.
Thunderbolts had fallen into his camp, a fire had ap-
peared in the air over Caesar's ditch and then fell upon
his own, bees had swarmed upon his military stan-
304
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
dards, and many of the victims after being led up close ,^" J^'^^j
to the very altar had run away. And so far did the
effects of that contest extend to the rest of mankind
that on the very day of the battle collisions of armies
and the clash of arms occurred in many places: in
Pergamum a kind of noise of drums and cymbals rose
from the temple of Dionysus and spread throughout
the city ; in Tralles a palm tree grew up in the temple
of Victory and the goddess herself turned about to-
ward an image of Caesar located beside her; in Syria
two young men (as they seemed) announced the result
of the battle and vanished; and in Patavium, which now
belongs to Italy but was then still a part of Gaul, cer-
tain birds not only brought news of it but even acted it
out to some extent, for one Gains Cornelius drew from
them accurate information of all that had taken place,
and narrated it to the bystanders. These things hap^
pened separately on that very same day and were nat-
urally distrusted at the time; but when news was
brought of the engagement, astonishment was felt.
Of Pompey's followers who were not destroyed on —ea —
the spot some fled whithersoever they could, and others
changed their allegiance. Those of them who were sol-
diers of the line Caesar enrolled among his own troops,
exhibiting no resentment. Of the senators and knights
all those whom he had captured before and pitied he
killed, unless his friends begged some of them off; for
he allowed each of these on this occasion to save one
man. The rest who had then for the first time fought
against him he released, saying: " Those have not
VOL. 2.— 20 305
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 wronged me who have advanced the interests of Pom-
pey, their friend, and had received no benefit from
me." This same attitude he adopted toward the po-
tentates and peoples who joined his cause. He par-
doned them all, bearing in mind that he himself was ac-
quainted with none or almost none of them, whereas
from his rival they had previously obtained many
favors. These he praised far more than such as had
previously received some kindness from Pompey but
in the midst of dangers had left him in the lurch : the
former he could reasonably expect would be favorably
disposed to him also, but as to the latter, no matter how
anxious they seemed to be to please him in anything, he
believed that inasmuch as they had betrayed a friend
in this crisis they would not spare him either on oc-
— 63— casion. A proof of his feeling is that he spared Sa-
dalus the Thracian and Deiotarus the Gaul, who had
been in the battle, and Tarcondimotus, who was ruler
of a portion of Cilicia and had very greatly assisted
Caesar's opponent in the way of ships. What need is
there of listing the rest who sent auxiliaries, to all of
whom he granted pardon and merely exacted money
from them? He did them no other damage and took
from them nothing else, though many had frequently
received great gifts from Pompey, some long ago and
some just at that time. A certain portion of Armenia
that had belonged to Deiotarus he did give to Ariobar-
zanes, king of Cappadocia, yet in this he did not injure
Deiotarus at all, but rather conferred an additional
favor upon him. He did not sunder the territory from
306
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Ms domains, but after occupying all of Armenia be- (^•^^7^)
fore occupied by Pharnaces lie bestowed one part of it
upon Ariobarzanes and another part upon Deiotarus,
Pbarnaces made a plea tbat be bad not assisted Pom-
pey and therefore, in view of bis behavior, deserved
to obtain pardon : Caesar, however, gave him no satis-
factory response, and furthermore reproached him
with the very fact that he had proved himself base and
impious toward his benefactor. Such humaneness and
uprightness did he afterward show in every case to all
those who had fought against him. Moreover, all the
letters that were found filed away in Pompey's chests
which convicted any persons of good-will toward the
latter or ill-will toward himself he neither read nor had
copied but burned them immediately, in order not to be
forced by what was in them to take severe measures ;
and for this reason if no other any one ought to hate
the men that plotted against him. This is not a mere
random remark, but may serve to call attention to the
fact that Marcus Brutus Csepio, who afterward killed
him, was captured by him and preserved from harm.
307
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
42
309
The following is contained in the Forty-second of Die's Rome.
How Pompey, defeated in Tliessaly, took to flight and per-
ished in Egypt (chapters 1-5).
How Caesar, following Pompey, came into Egypt (chapters
6-16).
How the news about Csesar and Pompey was announced
at E.ome, and what decrees were passed in honor of Csesar
(chapters 17-20).
How in the absence of Csesar the population of Rome
revolted (chapters 21-33).
How Cassar fought and subdued the Egyptians and show-
ered favors upon Cleopatra (chapters 34-44).
How Csesar conquered Pharnaces (chapters 45-48).
How Csesar returned to Rome and reconciled the interests
there (chapters 49-55).
How Csesar led an expedition into Africa (chapters 56—
58).
Duration of time, the remainder of the consulship of Julius Csesar
(II) and Publius Servilius Isauricus, together with one additional year,
in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated.
C. lulius C. P. Csesar, Dictator (II), M. Antonius M. f.,
Master of Horse, and the two consuls C. Eufius C. f.
Calenus and P. Vatinius P. f. (B. C. 47 = a. u. 707.)
310
(BOOK A2, BOISSEVAIN.)
The general nature of the battle has, accordingly, — i —
been described. As a result of it Pompey straightway \^'.u.''m>)
despaired of all his undertakings and no longer made
any account of his own valor or of the number of his
remaining soldiers or of the fact that Fortune often
restores the vanquished in the shortest space of time ;
yet in former times he had always possessed the great-
est cheerfulness and the greatest hopefulness on all oc-
casions of failure. The reason for this was that in the
cases just mentioned he had usually been evenly
matched with the foe and hence had not discounted a
victory in advance; but by reflecting beforehand on
the dual possibilities of the outcome of the engagement,
while he was still coolheaded and before being involved
in any alarm, he had not neglected to prepare for the
worst. In this way he had not been compelled to yield
to disasters and was able with ease to renew the con-
flict: but this time as he had expected to far surpass
Caesar he had foreseen nothing. For instance, he had
not put the camp in proper condition nor provided a
refuge for himself if defeated. And whereas he might
have delayed action and so have conquered without a
battle, — for his army kept increasing every day and he
had abundant provisions because he was in a country
for the most part friendly and because he was lord of
the sea, — nevertheless, whether of his own accord and
thinking he would conquer in any event, or because he
was forced by his associates, he brought on an engage-
311
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 ment. Consequently as soon as lie was defeated he
{a. u. 706) ^ •'
was terribly alarmed and had no opportune plan or
sure hope ready to enable him to face the danger anew.
"Whenever any event befalls a man unexpectedly and
most contrary to what seemed reasonable, it humbles
his mind and drives out the faculty of calculation, so
that he becomes the poorest and weakest judge of what
must be done. Calculation cannot live in the midst of
fears ; if it occupies the ground first, it thrusts them out
very effectively, but if it be a second comer, it gets the
worst of the encounter.
— 2 — Hence Pompey, also, having considered none of the
chances beforehand, was found naked and defenceless,
whereas, had anything been foreseen, he might, per-
haps, without trouble have quickly recovered all his
losses. Large numbers of the combatants had sur-
vived and he had other forces that were considerable.
Above all, he had gotten into his possession large
amounts of money and was master of the entire sea,
and the cities both there and in Asia were fond of him
even in his misfortune. But, as it turned out, since he
had fared so ill where he felt most encouraged, in the
temporary seizure of fear he made no use of any one
of these resources, but left the fortifications at once
and fled with a few companions toward Larissa. He
did not enter the city although the Larissseans invited
him, because he feared that by so doing he might incur
some blame. Bidding them make terms with the vic-
tor, he himself took provisions, embarked on the sea,
and sailed away to Lesbos on a merchantman, to his
312
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
wife Cornelia and his son Sextus. After taking charge , ^- C- 48
° ° {a. u. 70G)
of them he did not even enter Mitylene but started for
Egypt, hoping to secure an alliance with Ptolemy, the
king of that country. This was the son of that Ptolemy
who, through the agency of Gabinius, had received
back the kingdom at his hands, and he had as an ac-
knowledgment of that service sent a fleet to Pompey's
assistance. I have heard that Pompey thought also
of fleeing to the Parthians, but I cannot credit the re-
port. For that race so hated all the Eomans ever since
Crassus had led his expedition against them, and Pom-
pey especially, because related to him, that they im-
prisoned his envoy who came with a request for aid,
though he, was a senator. And Pompey would have
never endured in his misfortune to become a suppliant
of a most hostile nation for what he had failed to obtain
while enjoying success. However, — he proceeded to — 3 —
Egypt for the reasons mentioned, and after coasting
along the shore as far as Cilicia went across from there
to Pelusium, where Ptolemy, just then engaged in a
war with his sister Cleopatra, was encamped. Bring-
ing the ships to anchor he sent some men to remind the
prince of the favor shown his father and to ask that
he be permitted to land on definite and secure condi-
tions : he did not venture to disembark before obtaining
some guarantee of safety. Ptolemy made him no an-
swer, for he was stUl a mere child, but some of the
Egyptians and Lucius Septimius, a Roman who had
made campaigns with Pompey but was a relative of
Gabinius and had been left behind by him to keep guard
313
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 over Ptoiemy, came in the guise of friends : for all that
(a. u. 706) •" ^ .
they impiously plotted against hmi and by their act
brought guilt upon themselves and all Egypt. They
themselves perished not long after and the Egyptians
for their part were first delivered to be slaves of Cleo-
patra (this they particularly disliked) and later were
— 4— enrolled among the Eoman subjects. Now at this time
Septimius and Achillas, the commander-in-chief, and
others who were with them declared they would readily
receive Pompey, — to the end, of course, that he might
be the more easily deceived and ensnared. Some of
them sent on his messengers ahead, bidding them be of
good cheer, and the natives themselves next embarked
on some small boats and sailed out to him. After
many friendly greetings they begged him to come over
to their vessels, saying that by reason of its size and
the shallow water a trireme could not closely approach
their land and that they were very eager to see Pompey
himself more quickly. He thereupon changed ships,
although all his fellow voyagers urged him not to do it,
trusting in his hosts and saying merely :
" Whoever to a tyrant wends his way,
His slave is he, e'en though his steps be free." i
iThis couplet is from an unknown play of Sophocles, according to
both Plutarch and Appian. Plutarch, in his extant works, cites it
three times (Life of Pompey, chapter 78; Sayings of Kings and Em-
perors, p. 204E ; How a Young Man Ought to Hear Poems, chapter 12 ) .
In the last of these passages he tells how Zeno by a slight change
in the words alters the lines to an opposite meaning which better ex-
presses his own sentiments. Diogenes Laertius (II, 8) relates a similar
incident. Plutarch says that Pompey quoted the verses in speaking to
his wife and son, but Appian (Civil Wars, H, 85) that he repeated them
to himself.
The verses will be found as No. 789 of the Incertarum Fabularum
Fragmenta in Nauck's Tragici Grwci.
314
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Now wlien they drew near the land, fearing that if h.9 , ^- ^vt! >
•' ' ° _ (a. M. 706)
even met Ptolemy he might be saved, by the king him-
self or by the Romans who dwelt with him or by the
Egyptians, who regarded him with great affection, they
killed him before sailing into harbor. He said not a
word and uttered no complaint, but as soon as he per-
ceived their plot and recognized that he would not be
able to ward them off nor escape, he veiled his face.
Such was the end of the famous Pompey the Great, — 5 —
wherein once more the weakness and the strange for-
tune of the human race are proved. He was no
whit deficient in foresight, but was deceived by having
been always absolutely secure against any force of
harmful potency. He had won many unexpected vic-
tories in Africa, and many in Asia and Europe, both
by land and by sea ever since boyhood; and was now
in the fifty-eighth year of his age defeated without
good reason. He who had subdued the entire Roman
sea perished on it: and whereas he had once, as the
story goes, been master of a thousand ships, he was
destroyed in a tiny boat near Egypt and really by that
same Ptolemy whose father he had once restored from
exile to that land and to his kingdom. The man whom
at that time Roman soldiers were still guarding, sol-
diers left behind by Gabinius as a favor to Pompey
and on account of the hatred felt by the Egyptians
for the young prince's father, seemed now to have put
him to death by the hands of those Romans and those
Egyptians. Pompey, who was previously considered
the dominant figure among the Eomans so that he even
315
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 had the nickname of Agamemnon, was now slain like
**■ "■ any of the lowest of the Egyptians themselves, near
Mount Casius and on the anniversary of the day on
which he had celebrated a triumph over Mithridates
and the pirates. Even in this point, therefore, there
xas nothing similar in the two parts of his career.
Of yore on that day he had experienced the most bril-
liant success, whereas he now suffered the most griev-
ous fate : again, following a certain oracle he had been
suspicious of all the citizens named Cassius, but in-
stead of being the object of a plot by any man called
Cassius he died and was buried beside the mountain
that had this name. Of his fellow voyagers some werd
captured at once, while others fled, among them his
wife and child. The former under a safe conduct came
later safely to Rome: the latter, Sextus, proceeded to
Africa to his brother Gnaeus; these are the names by
which they are distinguished, since they both bore the
appellation Pompey.
— 6— Caesar, when he had attended to pressing demands
after the battle and had assigned to certain others
Greece and the remainder of that region to win over
and administer, himself pursued after Pompey. He
hurried forward as far as Asia in quest of news about
him, and there waited for a time since no one knew
which way he had sailed. Everything turned out favor-
ably for him: for instance, while crossing the Helles-
pont m a kind of ferryboat, he met Pompey 's fleet sail-
ing with Lucius Cassius in command, but so far from
suffering any harm at their hands he terrified them
and won them to his side. Next, meeting with no resist-
ance any longer he took possession of the rest of that
316
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
district and regulated its affairs, levying a money con- b. c. 48
tribution, as I said, but otherwise doing no one any
harm and even conferring benefits on all, so far as was
possible. He did away with the taxgatherers, who
abused the people most cruelly, and he converted the
product of the taxes into a payment of tribute.
Meanwhile, learning that Pompey was sailing to — 7 —
Egypt, he was afraid that his rival by occupying it in
advance might again acquire strength, and he set out
with all speed. Him he f oimd no longer alive. Then
with a few followers he sailed far in advance of the
others to Alexandria itself before Ptolemy came from
Pelusium. On discovering that the people of the city
were in a tumult over Pompey 's death he did not at
once venture to disembark, but put out to sea and
waited till he saw the head and finger-ring of the mur-
dered man, sent him by Ptolemy. Thereupon he ap-
proached the land with some courage: the multitude,
however, showed irritation at the sight of his lictors
and he was glad to make his escape into the palace.
Some of his soldiers had their weapons taken from
them, and the rest accordingly put to sea again until
all the ships had readied harbor. Caesar at the sight — 8 —
of Pompey 's head wept and lamented bitterly, calling
him countryman and son-in-law, and enumerating all
the kindnesses they had shown each other. He said
that he owed no reward to the murderers, but heaped
reproaches upon them, and the head he commanded to
be adorned and after proper preparation to be buried.
For this he received praise, but for his pretences he
was made a laughing stock. He had from the outset
been thoroughly set upon dominion; he had always
317
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
la uTm) ^^^^ Pompey as his antagonist and adversary ; besides
all his other measures against him he had brought on
this war with no other purpose than to secure his
rival's ruin and his own leadership; he had but now
been hurrying to Egypt with no other end in view than
to overthrow him completely if he should still be alive :
yet he feigned to miss his presence and made a show
of vexation over his destruction.
— ^— Under the belief that now that Pompey was out of
the way there was no longer any spot left that was
hostile to him, he spent some time in Egypt collecting
money and adjudicating the differences between Ptol-
emy and Cleopatra. Meanwhile other wars were being
prepared for him. Egypt revolted, and Pharnaces had
begun, just as soon as he learned that Pompey and
Caesar were at variance, to lay claim to his ancestral
domain : he hoped that they would consume much time
in their disputes and use up their own powers upon
each other. He was at this time still clinging to the
districts mentioned, partly because he had once as-
serted his claim and partly because he understood that
Caesar was far off; and he had occupied many points
in advance. Meanwhile Cato and Scipio and the rest
who were of the same mind with them set on foot in
Africa a war that was both a civil and a foreign conflict.
— 10 — It was this way. Cato had been left behind at Dyr-
rachium by Pompey to keep an eye upon reinforce-
ments from Italy, in case any one should cross, and to
repress the Parthini in case they should cause any
disturbance. At first he carried on war with the latter,
but after Pompey 's defeat he abandoned Epirus and
proceeding to Corcyra with those of the same mind as
318
(a. «. 706)
— 11 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
himself he there received the men who escaped from i^'u^tl^
the battle and the rest who had the same interests.
Cicero and a few other senators had set out for Rome
at once : but the majority, together with Labienus and
Af raaius, since they had no hope in Caesar, — the one
because he had deserted, the other because after hav-
ing been pardoned by him he had again made war on
him, — went to Cato, put him at their head and con-
tinued the war. Their number was later increased by
the addition of Octavius. The latter after sailing into
the Ionian sea and arresting Gains Antonius conquered
several places but could not take Salome though he
besieged it for a very long time. Having Gabinius to
assist them they repulsed him vigorously and finally
along with the women made a sortie which was emi-
nently successful. The women with hair let down and
robed in black garments took torches, and after array-
ing themselves wholly in the most terrifying manner
assaulted the besieging camp at midnight: they threw
the outposts, who thought they were spirits, into panic
and then from all sides at once hurled the fire within
the palisade and following on themselves slew many in
confusion and many who were asleep, occupied the
place without delay, and captured at the first approach
the harbor in which Octavius was lying. They were
not, however, left at peace. He escaped them some-
how, gathered a force again, and after defeating them
in battle invested their city. Meanwhile Gabinius died
of sickness and he gained control of the whole sea in
that vicinity, and by making descents upon the land did
the inhabitants much harm. This lasted until the bat-
tle near Pharsalus, after which his soldiers at the onset
319
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^ *^ 7flBi °^ ^ contingent from Brundusium changed sides witli-
out even making a resistance. Then, destitute of allies,
he retired to Corcyra.
Gnseus Pompey first sailed about with the Egyptian.
— 12— fleet and overran Epirus, so-called, almost capturing
Oricum. The commander of the place, Marcus Acilius,^
had blocked up the entrance to the harbor by boats
crammed with stones and about the mouth of it had
raised towers on both sides, on the land, and on ships
of burden. Pompey, however, had submarine divers
scatter the stones that were in the vessels and when the
latter had been lightened he dragged them out of the
way, freed the passage, and next, after puttiag heavy-
armed troops ashore on each half of the breakwater, he
sailed in. He burned all the boats and most of the
city and would have captured the rest of it, had he not
been wounded and caused the Egyptians to fear that
he might die. After receiving medical attendance he
no longer assailed Oricum but journeyed about pillag-
ing various places and once vainly made an attempt
upon Brundusium itself, as some others had done. This
was his occupation for awhile. When his father had
been defeated and the Egyptians on receipt of the news
sailed home, he betook himself to Cato. And his ex-
— 13— ample was followed by Gains Cassius, who had done
very great mischief both in Italy and in Sicily and had
overcome a number of opponents in many battles by
sea and by land.
Many simultaneously took refuge with Cato because
they saw that he excelled them in uprightness, and he,
using them as comrades in struggle and counselors for
IM. Adliua Oanirma.
320
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
all matters, sailed to the Peloponnesus with the appar- , ^- '^' ^^ ,
■^ (o. «. 706)
ent intention of occupying it, for he had not yet heard
that Pompey was dead. He did seize Patr£e and there
received among other accessions Petreius and Pom-
pey 's son-in-law^ Faustus. Subsequently Quintus
Fufius Calenus led an expedition against them, where-
upon they set sail, and coming to Cyrene there learned
of the death of Pompey. Their views were now no
longer harmonious : Cato, loathing the thought of Cae-
sar's sovereignty, and some others in despair of get-
ting pardon from him, sailed to Africa with the army,
added Scipio to their number, and were as active as
possible against Caesar; the majority scattered, and
some of them retired to make their peace as each one
best might, while the rest, among them Gains Cassius,
went to Caesar forthwith and received assurance of
safety.
Calenus had been sent by Caesar into Greece before _ i4_
the battle, and he captured among other places the
Peiraeus, owing to its being imwalled. Athens (al-
though he did a great deal of damage to its territory)
he was unable to take before the defeat of Pompey.
The inhabitants then capitulated voluntarily and Caesar
without resentment released them altogether, making
only this remark, that ia spite of their many offences
they were saved by the dead. This speech signified
that it was on account of their ancestors and on account
of the latter 's glory and excellence that he spared them.
Accordingly Athens and most of the rest of Greece then
at once made terms with him: but the Megarians in
1 In the MS. some corruption has jumhled these names together. The
correct interpretation was furnished by Xylander and Leunclavius.
VOL. 2.— 21 321
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 spite of this resisted and were captured only at a con-
siderably later date, partly by force and partly by
treachery. Wherefore a great slaughter of the people
was instituted and the survivors sold. Calenus had
so acted that he might seem to have taken a merited
vengeance upon them. But since he feared that the
city might perish utterly, he sold the dwellers in the
first place to their relatives, and in the second place
for a very small sum, so that they might regain their
freedom.
After these achievements Caesar marched upon Patrse
and occupied it easily, as he had frightened out Cato
— 15— and his followers in advance. While these various
troubles were being settled, there was an uprising in
Spain, although the country was at peace. The Span-
iards were at the time subject to many abuses from
Quintus Longinus, and at first some few banded to-
gether to kill him. He was woimded but escaped, and
after that proceeded to wrong them a great deal more.
Then a number of Cordubasians and a number of sol-
diers who had formerly belonged to the Pompeian
party rose against him, putting at their head Marcus
Marcellus ^seminus, the quaestor. He did not accept
their appointment with his whole heart, but seeing the
uncertainty of events and admitting that they might
turn out either way, he straddled the issue. All that
he said or did was of a neutral character, so that
whether Caesar or Pompey should prevail he would
seem to have fought for the cause of either one. He
favored Pompey by receiving those who transferred
their allegiance to him and by fighting against Lon-
ginus, who declared he was on Caesar's side: at th«
322
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
same time he did a kindness to Caesar because he as- ,^- ^-1^,
(o. u. 706)
sumed charge of the soldiers when (as he would say)
Longinus was guilty of certain irregularities, and kept
these men for him, while not allowing their commander
to be alienated. And when the soldiers inscribed the
name of Pompey on their shields he erased it so that
he might by this act offer to the one man the deeds
done by the arms and to the other their reputed owner-
ship, and by laying claim to one thing or the other as
done va. behalf of the victor and by referring the oppo-
site to necessity or to different persons he might con-
tinue safe. Consequently, although he had the oppor- — le —
tunity of overthrowing Longinus altogether by mere
numbers, he refused, but while extending his actions
over considerable time in the display and preparation
of what he desired, he put the responsibility for doubt-
ful measures upon other persons. Therefore both in
his setbacks and the advantages he gained he could
make the plea that he was acting equally in behalf of
the same person: the setbacks he might have planned
himself or might not, and for the advantages others
might or might not be responsible. He continued in
this way until Csesar conquered, when, having iacurred
the victor's wrath, he was temporarily banished,
but was later brought back from exile and honored.
Longinus, however, being denounced by the Spaniards
in an embassy, was deprived of his office and while on
his way home perished near the mouth of the Iber.
These events took place abroad. The population — 17_
of Rome while the interests of Csesar and Pompey were
in a doubtful and vacillating state all professedly es-
poused the cause of Caesar, influenced by his troops that
323
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 were in their midst and by his colleague Servilius.
Whenever a victory of his was reported, they rejoiced,
and whenever a reverse, they grieved, — some really,
some pretendedly in each case. For there were many
spies prowling about and eavesdroppers, observing
what was being said and done on such occasions. Pri-
vately the talk and actions of those who detested Caesar
and preferred Pompey's side were the very opposite
of their public expressions. HeneCj whereas both par-
ties made a show of receiving any and all news as
favorable to their hopes, they in fact regarded it some-
times with fear and sometimes with boldness, and inas-
much as many diverse rumors would often be going
the rounds on the same day and in the same hour their
position was a most trying one. In the briefest space
of time they were pleased, were grieved, grew bold,
grew fearful. When the battle of Pharsalus was re-
ported they were long incredulous. Caesar sent no
despatch to the government, hesitating to appear to be
rejoicing publicly over such a victory, for which reason
also he celebrated no triumph : and again, there seemed
little likelihood of its being true, in view of the relative
equipment of the two forces and the hopes entertained.
When at last they gave the story credence, they took
down the images of Pompey and of Sulla that stood
upon the rostra, but did nothing further at that time.
A large number did not wish to do even that, and an
equally large number fearing that Pompey might re-
new the strife regarded this as quite enough for Caesar
and expected that it would be a fairly simple matter
to placate Pompey on account of it. Moreover, when
he died, they would not believe this news till late, and
324
— 18 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
until they saw Ms signet that had been sent. (On this b. c. 48
{a. u. 7O0)
were carved three trophies, as on that of Sulla.) But —19 —
when he appeared to be really dead, at last they openly
praised the winner and abused the loser and proposed
that everything in the world which they could devise
be given to Caesar. In the course of it all there was a
great rivalry among practically all of the foremost
men, who were eager to outdo one another in fawning
upon him and voting pleasing measures. By their
shouts and by their gestures all of them as if Caesar
were present and looking on showed the very greatest
zeal and deemed that in return for it they would get
immediately, — as if they were doing it to please him
at all and not from necessity, — the one an office, an-
other a priesthood, and a third some pecuniary reward.
I shall omit those honors which had either been voted
to some others previously, — images, crowns, front
seats, and things of that kind, — or were novel and pro-
posed now for the first time, which were not also con-
firmed by CsBsar : for I fear that I might become weari-
some, were I to enumerate them all. This same plan I
shall adopt in my later narrations, adhering the more
strictly to it, as the honors proposed grew more in
number and more universal. Only such as had some
special and extraordinary importance and were then
confirmed will be set down. They granted him, then, —20 —
permission to do whatever he liked to those who had
favored Pompey's cause; it could not be said that he
had n,ot already received this right from himself, but
it was intended that he might seem to be acting with
some show of legal authority. They appointed him
lord of wars and peace (using the confederates in Af-
325
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 rica as a pretext) in regard to all mankind, even though
he should make no communication on the subject to the
people or the senate. This was also naturally in his
power before, inasmuch as he had so large a force ;
and the wars he had fought he had undertaken himself
in nearly every case : nevertheless, because they wished
still to appear to be free and independent citizens, they
voted him these rights and everything else which it was
in his power to have even against their wUl. He re-
ceived the privilege of being consul for five consecutive
years and of being chosen dictator not for six months
but for an entire year, and could assume the tribuni-
cian authority practically for life. He was enabled to
sit with the tribunes upon the same benches and to be
reckoned with them for other purposes, — a right com-
monly accorded to no one. All the elections except
those of the people were put in his hands and for this
reason they were delayed till after his arrival and were
carried on only toward the close of the year.^ The
governorships in subject territory the citizens them-
selves of course allotted to the consuls, but they voted
that Caesar might give them to the praetors without the
casting of lots : for they had gone back to consuls and
praetors again contrary to their decrees. And another
practice which had the sanction of custom, indeed, but
in the corruption of the times might justly be deemed
a cause of hatred and resentment^ formed the matter
of one of their resolutions. Caesar had at that time
heard not a word of the mere inception of the war
against Juba and against the Eomans who had fought
1 The year 47, in which Cssar came to Rome, is here meant, or else
Dio has made an error.
326
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
on his side, and yet they assigned a triumph for him to ^- '-'vl^,
hold, as if he had been victor.
In this way these votes and ratifications took place. — ai —
Caesar entered upon the dictatorship at once, though
he was outside Italy, and chose Antony, who had
not yet been praetor, as his master of the horse : and the
consul proposed his name, although the augurs most
strongly opposed him with the declaration that no one
was allowed to be master of the horse for more than six
months. They incurred, however, a great deal of
laughter for this, — deciding that Caesar should be
chosen dictator for a year contrary to all ancestral
precedent, and then splitting hairs about the master
of the horse. Marcus Caelius* actually perished because — 22 —
he dared to break the laws laid down by Caesar regard-
ing loans of money, as if their propounder was de-
feated and ruined, and because he had therefore stirred
up to strife Eome and Campania. He had been very
prominent in carrying out Caesar's wishes, for which
reason moreover he had been appointed praetor ; but he
became angry because he had not also been made praetor
urbanus, and because his colleague Trebonius had been
preferred before him for this office^ not by lot as had
been the custom, but by Caesar's choice. Hence he op-
posed his colleague in everything and would not let
him perform any of the duties that belonged to him.
He would not consent to his executing judgments ac-
cording to Caesar's laws, and furthermore gave notice
to such as owed any sum that he would assist them
against the money-lenders, and to all who dwelt in
1 if. OubUus Rufua.
327
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 other peoples ' houses that he would release them from
{a. u. 706) ^ ^
payment of rent. Having by this course won the at-
tachment of many he set upon Trebonius with their aid
and would have killed him, had he not managed to
change his robe and escape in the crowd. After this
failure CaBlius privately issued a law in which he gave
— 23 — to all the use of houses free and annulled debts. Ser-
vilius consequently sent for some soldiers who chanced
to be going by on the way to Gaul and after convening
the senate under their protection he presented a propo-
sition about the matter in hand. No ratification was
reached, since the tribunes prevented it, but the sense
of the meeting was recorded and Servilius then ordered
the court officers to take down the offending tablets.
When Caelius drove them away and acted in a disor-
derly manner toward the consul himself, they convened
again, still protected by the soldiers, and delivered to
Servilius the " care of the city," a phrase I have often
used previously in regard to it. After this he would
not permit Caelius, even in his capacity as praetor, to
do anything, but assigned the duties pertaining to
his office to some other praetor, debarred him from
the senate, dragged him from the rostra in the midst of
84 _ some vociferation, and broke to pieces his chair. Of
course Caelius was violently angry at him for each of
these acts, but since Servilius. had a rather respectable
body of troops in town he was afraid that he might
suffer chastisement, and therefore decided to set out
for Campania to join Milo, who was instituting a kind
of rebellion. The latter, when it proved that he was
the only one of the exiles not restored by Caesar, had
328
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
come to Italy, where lie gathered a number of men, b. c. 48
some in want of a livelihood and others fearing some
pnnishment, and ravaged the coimtry, assailing Capua
and other cities. It was to him that Cselius wished to
betake himself, in order that with his aid he might do
Caesar all possible harm. He was watched, however,
and could not leave the city openly; and he did not ven-
ture to escape secretly because (among other motives)
he hoped to accomplish a great deal more by possess-
ing the attire and the title of praetor. At last, there-
fore, he approached the consul and obtained from him
leave of absence, saying that he wished to proceed to
Caesar. The other, though he suspected his intention,
still allowed him to do this, particularly because he was
very insistent, invoking Caesar's name and pretending
that he was eager to submit his defence. Servilius sent
a tribune with him, so that if he should attempt any
rebellious conduct he might be prevented. When they _ 25 _
got to Campania, and found that Milo after a defeat
near Capua had taken refuge in the Tifatine moun-
tain, and Caelius would go no farther, the tribune was
alarmed and wished to bring him back home. Servilius,
learning of this in advance, declared war upon Milo in
the senate and gave orders that Caelius (who must be
prevented from stirring up any confusion) should re-
main in the suburbs. However, he did not keep him
under strict surveillance, because the man was a
praetor. Thus Caelius made his escape and hastened to
Milo : and he would certainly have aroused some sedi-
tion, had he found him alive. As it proved, Milo had
been driven from Campania and had perished in
Apulia: Caelius therefore went to Bruttium, presum-
329
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. 0. 48 ably to form some league in that district, and there he
(a. u. 706) .
perished before doing anything important ; for the per-
sons who favored Caesar banded together and killed
him.
— 26— So these men died, but that did not bring quiet to
Eome. On the contrary, many dreadful events took
place, as, indeed, omens indicated beforehand. Among
other things that happened toward the end of that
year bees settled on the Capitol beside the statue of
Hercules. At the time sacrifices to Isis chanced to be
going on and the soothsayers gave their opinion to the
effect that the precincts of that goddess and of Serapis
should be razed to the ground, as of yore. In the
course of demolition a small shrine of Bellona had un-
wittingly been taken down, and in it were found jars
B. c. 47 full of human flesh. The following year a violent earth-
quake occurred, an owl was seen, thunderbolts de-
scended upon the Capitol and upon the temple of the
so-called Public Fortune and into the gardens of
Caesar, where a horse of considerable value was de-
stroyed by them, and the temple of Fortime opened of
its own accord. In addition to this, blood issuing from
a bake-shop flowed to another temple of Fortune, whose
statue on account of the fact that the goddess neces-
sarily oversees and can fathom everything that is be-
fore us as well as behind and does not forget from
what beginnings any great man came they had set up
and named in a way not easy for Greeks to describe.*
1 This is one of some twenty different phases (listed in Wiasowa,
Religion und Kultus der Rdmer, p. 212) under which the goddess was
worshipped. (See also Boscher I, col. 1513.) The appropriate Latin
title was Fortuna Bespioiens, and it certainly had a Greek equivalent
{TuwT] imnrpstpofiiv-qia Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, c. 10) which it
seems strange that Dio should not have known. Moreover, our historian
330
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Also some infants were bom holding their left hands b. c. 47
" (a. u. 707)
to their heads, so that whereas no good was looked
for from the other signs, from this especially an up-
rising of inferiors against superiors was both fore-
told by the soothsayers and accepted by the people
as true.
These portents so revealed by supernatural power —27 —
disturbed them ; and their fear was augmented by the
very appearance of the city, which had been strange
and unaccustomed at the beginning of the month and
thereafter for a long time. There was as yet no con-
sul or praetor, and Antony, in so far as his costume
went (which was the toga laticlavia) and his lictors,
of whom he had only six, and his convening the senate,
furnished some semblance of democracy : but the sword
with which he was girded, and the throng of soldiers
that accompanied him, and his actions themselves most
of all indicated the existence of one sole ruler. Many
robberies, outrages, and murders took place. And not
only were the existing conditions most distressing to
the Eomans, but they dreaded a far greater number of
more terrible acts from Cassar. For when the master
of the horse never laid aside his sword even at the
festivals, who would not have been suspicious of the
dictator himself? (At the most of these festivals An-
has apparently given a wrong interpretation of the name, since respioio
in Latin, when used of the gods, commonly means to " look favorably
upon." In Plautus's Captivi (verse 834) there is a play on the wprd
respice involving the goddess, and in his Asinaria (verse 716) mention
is made of a closely related divinity, Fortuna Obsequens. Cicero
{de legibus, II, 11, 28), in enumerating the divinities that merit human
worship, includes " Fortuna, quse est vel Huius diei — nam valet in
omnis dies — vel Respiciens ad opem ferendam, vel Fors, in quo incerti
casus signiflcantur magis "... The name Fortuna Respiciens
has also come to light in at least three inscriptions.
331
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 47 tony presided at the orders of Caesar. Some few the
tribunes also had in charge.) If any persons stopped to
think of his magnanimity, which had led him to spare
many that had opposed him in battle, nevertheless, see-
ing that men who had gained an office did not stick to
the same principles as guided them in striving for it,
they therefore expected that he too would change his
— 28 — tactics. They felt aggrieved and discussed the matter
with one another at length, — those at least who were
safe in so doing, for they could not make everybody a
companion with impunity. Many who would seem to be
good friends and others who were relatives were liable
to slander them, perverting some statements, and tell-
ing downright lies on other points. This was a cause of
the greatest discomfort to the rest who were not equally
safe, because, being able neither to lament nor to share
their views with others they could not in any way get
rid of their thoughts. Communication with those simi-
larly afflicted lightened their burden somewhat, and the
man who could safely utter and hear in return what the
citizens were undergoing became easier. But distrust
of such as were not of like habits with themselves
confined their dissatisfaction within their minds and in-
flamed them the more, as they could not tell their
secret* nor obtain any relief. In addition to keeping
their suiferings shut up within they were compelled
to praise and admire their treatment, as also to cele-
brate festivals, perform sacrifices, and appear happy in
it all.
_ 29 — This was the condition of the Romans in the City at
that time. And, as if it were not sufficient for them
1 This is the phrase commonly supplied to explain a palpable cor-
ruption in the MS.
332
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
to be abused by Antony, Lucius Trebellius and Publius b. c. 47
Cornelius Dolabella, tribunes, began a factional dis-
turbance. The latter fought on the side of the debtors,
to which category he belonged, and had therefore
changed his legal standing from patrician to plebeian,
to get the tribuneship. The former said he represented
the nobles, but none the less published edicts and had
recourse to murders. This, too, naturally resulted in
a great disturbance and many weapons were every-
where in evidence, although the senators had com-
manded that no changes should be made before Caesar 's
arrival in the city, and Antony that no private indi-
vidual in the city should carry arms. As they paid no
attention themselves, however, to these orders, but re-
sorted to all kinds of measures against each other and
against the men just mentioned, there arose a third dis-
pute between Antony and the senate. In order to have
it thought that that body had allowed him weapons and
the authority that resulted from them (which he had
been overready to usurp) he got the privilege of keep-
ing soldiers within the wall and of helping the tribunes
in maintaining a guard over the city; After this An-
tony did whatever he desired with a kind of legal right,
and Dolabella and Trebellius were nominally guilty
of violence : but their effrontery and resources led them
to resist both each other and him as if they too had
received some position of command from the senate.
Meanwhile Antony learned that the legions which —30 —
Caesar after the battle had sent ahead into Italy, as
if to indicate that he would follow them, were engaged
in doubtful proceedings ; and in fear of some insurrec-
tion from that quarter he turned over the charge of the
333
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 47 city to Lucius Caesar, appointing him praefectus urbi,
an office never before conferred by a master of the
horse. He himself set out to the soldiers. The trib-
unes that were at variance with the two despised
Lucius because of his advanced age and inflicted many
outrages upon one another and on the rest until they
learned that Caesar, having settled the affairs of Egypt,
had started for Rome. They were carrying on the
quarrel under the assumption that he would never re-
turn again but be killed somewhere abroad by the
Egyptians, as, indeed, they kept hearing. When his
coming was reported they moderated their conduct for
a time, but as soon as he set out against Pharnaces
— 31 — they relapsed into factional differences once more. An-
tony was unable to restrain them, and finding that his
opposition to Dolabella was obnoxious to the populace
he at first joined his party and brought charges against
Trebellius, — one being to the effect that he was ap-
propriating the soldiers to his own use. Later, when
he perceived that he was not esteemed at all by the
multitude, which was attached only to Dolabella, he be-
came vexed and changed sides. He was especially in-
fluenced in this course by the fact that while not shar-
ing popular favor with the plebeian leader he received
the greatest share of blame from the senators. So
nominally he adopted a neutral attitude toward both,
but really in secret he chose the cause of Trebellius,
and cooperated with him among other ways by allow-
ing him to obtain soldiers. From this time on he made
himself a spectator and director of their contests; and
they fought, seized in turn the most advantageous
points in the city, and entered upon a career of killing
334
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and burning, so that on one occasion the holy vessels , B- c. 47
°' ■' {a. u. 707)
were carried by the virgins out of the temple of Vesta.
Once more the senators voted that the master of the —32 —
horse should guard the city still more scrupulously, and
practically the entire to"wn was filled with soldiers.
Yet there was no respite. Dolabella in despair of ob-
taining any pardon fj-om Caesar desired to accomplish
some great evil and then perish, — with the idea that he
would forever have renown for this act. So many men
in the past have become infatuated with basest deeds
for the mere sake of fame ! Under this influence he too
wrought universal disturbance, promising even that on
a certain specified day he would enact his laws in re-
gard to debts and house-rents. On receipt of these an-
nouncements the crowd erected barricades around the
Forum, setting up wooden towers at some points, and
put itself in readiness to cope with any force that might
oppose it. At that, Antony brought down from the
Capitol about dawn a large body of soldiers^ cut down
the tablets of the laws and hurled some offenders who
stUl continued to be unruly from the cliffs of the Ca-
pitol itself.
However, this did not stop the factional disputes. —33 —
Instead, the greater the number of those who perished,
the more did the survivors raise a tumult, thinking that
Caesar had got involved in a very great and difficult
war. And they did not cease until suddenly he himself
appeared before them. Then they became quiet even if
unwilling. Some of them were expecting to suffer
every conceivable ill fate, for there was talk against
them all through the city, and some made one charge
and others another: but Caesar at this juncture also
335
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 47 pursued his usual method. He accepted their attitude
of the moment as satisfactory and did not concern him-
self with their past conduct : he spared them all, and
some of them (including Dolabella) he honored. To
the latter he owed some kindness, which he did not see
fit to forget. For in place of overlooking that favor be-
cause he had been wronged, he pardoned him in con-
sideration of the benefit received, and besides bringing
him to other honors Caesar not long after appointed him
consul, though he had not yet served as praetor.
— 34— These were the events which were brought about in
Eome by Caesar's absence. The reasons why he was so
long in coming there and did not arrive immediately
B. c. 48 after Pompey's death are as follows. The Egyptians
were discontented at the levies of money and highly
indignant because not even their temples were left un-
touched. They are the most excessively religious people
on earth and wage wars even against one another on
account of their beliefs, since their worship is not a
unified system, but different branches of it are diamet-
rically opposed one to another. As a result, then, of
their vexation at this and their further fear that they
might be surrendered to Cleopatra, who had great m-
fluence with Caesar, they commenced a disturbance.
For a time the princess had urged her claim against
her brother through others who were m Caesar's pres-
ence, but as soon as she discovered his disposition
(which was very susceptible, so that he indulged in
amours with a very great number of women at different
stages of his travels), she sent word to him that she
was being betrayed by her friends and asked that she be
allowed to plead her case in person. She was a woman
336
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
of surpassing beauty, especially conspicuous at that -S- ^-J^.
time because in the prime of youth, with a most de-
licious voice and a knowledge of how to make herself
agreeable to every one. Being brilliant to look upon
and to listen to, with the power to subjugate even a
cold natured or elderly person, she thought that she
might prove exactly to Caesar's tastes and reposed in
her beauty all her claims to advancement. She begged
therefore for access to his presence, and on obtaining
permission adorned and beautified herself so as to ap-
pear before him in the most striking and pitiable guise.
When she had perfected these devices she entered the
city from her habitation outside, and by night without
Ptolemy's knowledge went into the palace. Caesar upon — 35 —
seeing her and hearing her speak a few words was
forthwith so completely captivated that he at once, be-
fore dawn, sent for Ptolemy and tried to reconcile them,
acting as an advocate for the same woman whose judge
he had previously assumed to be. For this reason and
because the sight of his sister within the royal dwell-
ing was so unexpected, the boy was filled with wrath
and rushed out among the people crying out that he
had been betrayed, and at last he tore the diadem from
his head and cast it down. In the mighty tumult which
thereupon arose Caesar's soldiers seized the prince who
had caused the commotion; but the Egyptian mob was
in upheaval. They assaulted the palace by land and sea
together and would have taken it without difficulty (for
the Romans had no force present sufficient to cope with
the foreigners, because the latter had been regarded
as friends) but for the fact that Caesar, alarmed, came
VOL. 2.-22 337
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 out before them and standing in a safe place promised
to do for tliem whatsoever they wished. Then he en-
tered an assembly of theirs and producing Ptolemy and
Cleopatra read their father's will, in which it was di-
rected that they should live together according to the
customs of the Egyptians and rule in common, and
that the Eoman people should exercise a guardianship
over them. When he had done this and had added
that it belonged to him as dictator, holding all the
power of the people, to have an oversight of the chil-
dren and to fulfill the father's wishes, he bestowed upon
them both the kingdom and granted Cyprus to Arsinoe
and Ptolemy the Younger, a sister and a brother of
theirs. So great fear possessed him that he not only
laid hold on none of the Egyptian domain, but actually
gave the inhabitants in addition some of what was
his.
— 36 — By this action they were calmed temporarily, but not
long after they raised a rebellion which reached the
dignity of war. Potheinos, a eunuch who had taken a
promment part in urging the Egyptians on, who was
also charged with the management of Ptolemy's funds,
was afraid that he might some time pay the penalty
for his behavior. Therefore he sent secretly to Achil-
las who was at this time still near Pelusium and by
frightening him and inspiring him at the same time
with hopes he made him his associate, and next won
over also all the rest who bore arms. To all of them
alike it seemed a shame to be ruled by a woman : for
they suspected that Caesar on the occasion mentioned
had given the kingdom to both of the children merely
to quiet the people, and that in the course of time he
338
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
would offer it to Cleopatra alone. Also they thought b. c. 48
themselves a match for the army he then had present.
Some started immediately for Alexandria where they
busied themselves with their project. Caesar when he —37 —
learned this was afraid of their numbers and daring,
and sent some men to Achillas not in his own but in
Ptolemy's name, bidding him keep the peace. But he,
understanding that this was not the child's command,
but Caesar's, so far from giving it any attention was
filled with contempt for the sender, believing him
afraid. Then he called his soldiers together and by
haranguing them at length in favor of Ptolemy and
against Caesar and Cleopatra he finally so incensed
them against the messengers, though they were Egyp-
tians, that they defiled themselves with their murder
and accepted the necessity of a war without quarter.
Caesar, when the news was brought him, summoned his
soldiers from Syria, put a ditch around the palace and
the other buildings near it, and fortified it with a wall
reaching to the sea. Meanwhile Achillas had arrived —38 —
on the scene with his regular followers and with the
Eomans left behind by Gabinius and Septimius to keep
guard over Ptolemy: these as a result of their stay
there had changed their character and were attached
to the local party. Thus he immediately won over the
larger part of the Alexandrians and made himself mas-
ter of the most advantageous positions. After this
many battles between the two armies occurred both by
day and at night and many places were set on fire, and
among others the docks and the storehouses both of
grain and of books were burned, — the volumes being,
as is reported, of the greatest number and excellence.
339
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B c. 48 Achillas commanded the mainland, with the exception
(o. «. 706)
of what Caesar had walled off, and the latter the sea, —
except the harbor. Caesar, indeed, was victorious in a
sea-fight, and when the Egyptians consequently, fearing
that he would sail into their harbor, had filled up th^
entrance all except a narrow passage, he cut off that
outlet also by sinking freight ships full of stones; so
they were unable to stir, no matter how much they
might desire to sail out. After this achievement pro-
visions, and among other things water, were brought in
more easily. Achillas had deprived them of the city
water supply by cutting the pipes.
— 30 — While these events were taking place one Ganymedes,
a eunuch, abducted Arsinoe, as she was not very well
guarded, and led her out to the people. They declared
her queen and proceeded to prosecute the war more
vigorously, inasmuch as they now had a representative
of the race of the Ptolemies. Caesar, therefore, in fear
that Pothemos might kidnap Ptolemy, put the former
to death and guarded the latter strictly without any
further dissimulation. This contributed to incense the
Egyptians still more, to whose party munbers were
added daily, whereas the Roman soldiers from Syria
were not yet on the scene. Caesar was anxious to
bring the people to a condition of peace, and so he had
Ptolemy take his stand on a high place from which
they could hear his voice and bade him say to them
that he was unharmed and was averse to warfare. He
urged them to peaceful measures and promised that
he would arrange the details for them. Now if he had
talked thus to them of his own accord, he could have
340
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
persuaded them to become reconciled; but as it was, b. c. 48
they suspected that it was aJl prearranged by CsBsar,
and they would not yield.
As time went on a dispute arose among the fol- —40 —
lowers of Arsinoe, and Ganymedes prevailed upon her
to put Achillas to death, on the ground that he wished
to betray the fleet. When this had been done he as-
sumed command of the soldiers and gathered all the
boats that were in the river and the lake, besides con-
structing others. All of them he conveyed through
the canals to the sea, where he attacked the Romans
while off their guard, burned some of their freight
ships to the water's edge and towed others away. Then
he cleared out the entrance to the harbor and by lying
in wait for vessels there he caused the foreigners
great annoyance. One day Caesar noticed them be-
having carelessly, by reason of their supremacy, and
suddenly sailed into the harbor, where he burned a
number of boats, and disembarking on Pharos slew the
inhabitants of the island. When the' Egyptians on
the mainland saw that, they came to their aid over
the bridges and after killiag many of the Eomans in
their turn they hurled the remainder back to their
boats. WhUe these fugitives were forcing their way
into them at any poiat and in crowds, Caesar, besides
many others, fell into the sea. And he would have
perished miserably weighed down by his robes and
pelted by the Egyptians — his garments, being purple,
offered a good mark — had he not thrown off the in-
cumbrances and then succeeded in swimming out some-
where to a skiff, which he boarded. In this way he
341
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 was saved without wetting one of tlie docmnents of
(o. u. 706)
whieh he held up a large number in his left hand as he
swam. His clothing the Egyptians took and hung
upon the trophy which they set up to commemorate
this rout, as if they had as good as captured the man
himself. They also kept a close watch upon the land-
ings (for the legions which had been sent from Syria
were now near at hand) and did the Romans much
injury. Cassar could ward off in a way the attack of
those who assailed him in the direction of Libya: but
near the mouth of the Nile they deceived many of his
men by using signal fires as if they too were Romans,
and captured them, so that the rest no longer ventured
to coast along until Tiberius Claudius Nero at length
sailed up the river itself, conquered the foe in battle,
and rendered the approach less terrifyiag to his own
—41— followers. Meanwhile Mithridates, named the Perga^
menian, undertook to ascend with his ships the mouth
of the Nile opposite Pelusium ; but when the Egyptians
barred his entrance with their boats he betook him-
self by night to the canal, hauled the ships over into
it (it was one that does not open into the sea), and
through it sailed up into the Nile. After that he sud-
denly began from the sea and the river at once a con-
flict with the vessels that were guarding the mouth
and broke up their blockade, whereupon he assaulted'
Pelusium with both his infantry and his force of ships,
and took it. Advancing then to Alexandria he learned
that a certain Dioscorides was going to confront them,
and he ambushed and annihUated him.
—42— The Egyptians on receiving the news would not end
342
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the war even under these conditions ; yet they were , ^- c. *8
(ffl. u. 706)
irritated at the sovereignty of the eunuch and the
woman and thought if they could put Ptolemy at their
head, they would be superior to the Romans. So then,
finding themselves unable to seize him by any kind of
violence because he was skillfully guarded, they pre-
tended that they were worn out by disasters and de^-
sired peace; and they sent to Caesar a herald to ask
for Ptolemy, to the end that they might consult with
him about the terms on which they would make a
truce. CaBsar thought that they had in very truth
changed front, especially since he heard that they were
cowardly and fickle and perceived that at this time
they were terrified in the face of their defeats. And
in order not to be regarded as hiudering peace, even
if they were devising some trick, he said that he ap-
proved their request, and sent them Ptolemy. He saw
no tower of strength in the lad in view of his youth
and ignorance, and hoped that the Egyptians would
either become reconciled with him on what terms he
wished or else would better deserve the waging of
war and subjugation, so that there might be some rea-
sonable excuse for delivering them to Cleopatra. He
had no idea of being defeated by them, particularly
since his force had been augmented. The Egyptians, —48 —
when they secured the child, had not a thought for
peace but straightway set out against Mithridates as
if they were sure to accomplish some great achieve-
ment in the name and by the family of Ptolemy. They
cut him off near the lake, between the river and the
343
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 marshes, and raised a great clamor. Caesar through
(a. M. 706) ' ^ ,
fear of being ambushed did not pursue them but at
night he set sail as if he were hurrying to some outlet
of the Nile and kindled an enormous fire on each ves-
sel so that it might be thought that he was going a
very long distance in this direction. He started at
first, then, to sail away, but afterward extinguished
the glare, returned and passed alongside the city to
the peninsula on the Libyan side, where he landed;
there he disembarked the soldiers, went around the
lake, and fell upon the Egyptians unexpectedly about
dawn. They were so startled on the instant that they
sent a herald to him for terms, but, when he would
not receive their entreaty, a fierce battle subsequently
took place in which he was victorious and slew great
numbers of the enemy. Some fled hastily to cross the
river and perished in it, together with Ptolemy.
— 44— In this way Caesar overcame Egypt. He did not,
(a. «. 707) however, make it subject to the Eomans, but bestowed
it upon Cleopatra, for whose sake he had waged the
conflict. Yet, being afraid that the Egyptians might
rebel again because they were delivered to a woman
to rule them and that the Eomans for this reason and
because the woman was his companion might be angry,
he commanded her to make her other brother partner
of her habitation, and gave the kingdom to both of
them, — at least nominally. In reality Cleopatra alone
was to hold all the power. For her husband was still a
child and in view of Caesar's favor there was nothing
that she could not do. Hence her living with her
344
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
brotlier and sharing the sovereignty with him was a ,^'^'1%)
mere pretence which she accepted, whereas she actu-
ally ruled alone and spent her life in Caesar's company.
She would have detained him even longer in Egypt — 46 —
or else would have at once set out with him for Rome,
had not Phamaces drawn Caesar most unwillingly from
Afrio's shores and hindered him from hurrying to
Italy. This man was a son of Mithridates and ruled the
Cimmerian Bosporus, as has been stated: it was his
desire to win back again all his ancestral kingdom,
and so he revolted just at the time of the quarrel be-
tween Caesar and Pompey, and, as the Romans had at
that time foimd business with one another and after-
ward were detained in Egypt, he got possession of
Colchis without effort and, in the absence of Deiotarus,
subjugated all of Armenia and some cities of Cappa-
docia and Pontus that were attached to the district
of Bithynia. While he was thus engaged Caesar him- — 46 —
self did not stir, — Egypt was not yet settled and he
had some hope of overcoming the man through others
— but he sent Gnaeus Domitius Calvinus, assigning
biTTi charge of Asia and ... * legions. This officer added
to his force Deiotarus and Ariobarzanes and marched
straight against Phamaces, who was in Nieopolis, —
a city he had previously occupied. Indeed, he felt
contempt for the barbarian, because the latter m ter-
ror of his presence was ready to agree to an armistice
looking to an embassy, and so he would not conclude
a truce with him, but attacked him and was defeated.
lit seems probable that a few words have fallen out of the original
narrative at this point. Such is the opinion of both Dindorf and Hoelzl,
345
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^- ^-^l. After that lie liad to retire to Asia, since lie was no
(o. «. 707) . '
match for his conqueror, and winter was approaching.
Phamaces, greatly elated, joined to his cause nearly-
all of Pontus, captured Amisus, though it held out
against him a long time, plundered the city and put
to the sword all the young men in it. He then has-
tened into Bithynia and Asia with the same hopes
as his father had harbored. Meanwhile, learning that
Asander whom he had left as governor of the Bos-
porus had revolted, he no longer advanced any far-
ther. For Asander, as soon as the advance of
Phamaces to a point distant from his own position
was reported to him and it seemed likely that even
if he should temporarily escape his observation with
the greatest success, he would still not get out of it
well later, rose against him, so as to do a favor to the
Romans and to receive the government of the Bos-
— 47— poms from them. This was the news on hearing
which Phamaces started against him, but the venture
was in vain. For on ascertaining that Caesar was on
the way and was huirying into Armenia Phamaces
turned back and met him there near Zela. Now that
Ptolemy was dead and Domitius vanquished Caesar
had decided that delay in Egypt was neither fitting
nor profitable for him, but set out from there and by
using great speed reached Armenia. The barbarian,
alarmed and fearing his quickness much more than
his army, sent messengers to him before he drew near,
making frequent propositions to see if in any way on
any terms he could compromise the existing situation
346
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and escape. One of the principal pleas that he pre- ,^',f'707)
sented was that he had not cooperated with Pompey,
and by this he hoped that he might induce the Roman
general to grant a truce, particularly since the latter
was anxious to hasten to Italy and Africa; and once
he was gone he, Phamaces, could easily wage war
again. Csesar suspected this, and the first and second
sets of envoys he treated with great kindness in order
that he might fall upon the foe in a state quite un-
guarded, through hopes of peace : when the third depu-
tation came he began to reproach him, one of his
grounds of censure being that he had deserted Pom-
pey, his benefactor. Then without delay, that very
day and just as he was, Caesar marched forward and
attacked him as soon as he came up to him ; for a little
while some confusion was caused by the cavalry and
the scythe-bearing chariots, but after that he con-
quered the Asiatics with his heavy-armed soldiers.
Phamaces escaped to the sea and later forced his way
into Bosporus, where Asander shut him up and killed
him.
Caesar took great pride in the victory, — more, in- —48 —
deed, than in any other, in spite of the fact that it
had not been very glorious, — because on the same day
and at one and the same hour he had come to the
enemy, had seen him, and had conquered him. All
the spoils, though of great magnitude, he bestowed
upon the soldiers, and he set up a trophy to offset one
which Mithridates had raised to commemorate the
defeat of Triarius.^ He did not dare to take down
that of the barbarians because it had been dedicated
1 Compare Book Thirty-six, chapters 12 and 13.
347
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 47 to the eods of war, but by the erection of his owb he
(a. u. 707) ° ' . 1 1- 1 J .1
overshadowed and to a certain extent demohshed the
other. Next he gained possession of all the region
belonging to the Romans and those bound to them by
oath which Pharnaces had ravaged, and restored it to
the individuals who had been dispossessed, except a
portion of Armenia, which he granted to Ariobarzanes.
The people of Amisus he rewarded with freedom, and
to Mithridates the Pergamenian he gave a tetrarchy
in Galatia with the name of kingdom and allowed him
to wage war against Asander, so that by conquering
him, because he had proved base toward his friend,
Mithridates might get Bosporus also.
— 49— After accomplishing this and bidding Domitius
arrange the rest he came to Bithynia and from there
to Greece, whence he sailed for Italy, collecting all
the way great sums of money from everybody, and
upon every pretext, just as before. On the one hand
he levied all that individuals had promised in advance
to Pompey, and on the other he asked for stUl more
from outside sources, bringing some accusation against
the places to justify his act. All votive offerings of
Heracles at Tyre he removed, because the people had
received the wife and child of Pompey when they
were fleeing. Many golden crowns, also, commemo-
rative of victories, he took from potentates and kings.
This he did not out of malice but because his expen-
ditures were on a vast scale and because he was in-
tending to lay out still more upon his legions, his tri-
umph, and everything else that could add to his
348
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
"brilliance. Briefly, he showed himself a money-getter, B- c. 47
(a. u. 707)
declaring that there were two things which created
and protected and augmented sovereignties, — soldiers
and money; and that these two were dependent upon
each other. By proper support armies were kept to-
gether, and this support was gathered hy the use of
arms : and if either the one or the other were lacking,
the second of them would be overthrown at the same
time.
These were ever his ideas and this his talk upon such — 60 —
matters. Now it was to Italy he hurried and not to
Africa, although the latter region had been made
hostile to him, because he learned of the disturbances
in the City and feared that they might get beyond his
control. However, as I said, he did no harm to any
one^ except that there too he gathered large sums of
money, partly in the shape of crowns and statues and
the like which he received as gifts, and partly by bor-
rowing not only from individual citizens hut also from
cities. This name (of borrowing) he applied to levies
of money for which there was no other reasonable ex-
cuse; his exactions from his creditors were none the
less unjustified and acts of violence, since he never
intended to pay these loans. What he said was that
he had spent his private possessions for the public
good and it was for that reason he was borrowing.
[Wherefore, when the multitude demanded that there
should be an annulment of debts, he would not do it,
saying: " I too am heavily involved." He was easily
seen to be wresting away the property of others by
349
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 47 his position of supremacy, and for this his companions
as well as others disliked him. These men had bought
considerable of the confiscated property, in some cases
for more than its real value, ia the hope of retaining
it free of charge, but foimd themselves compelled to
pay the full price.
— 51— To such persons he paid no attention. However,
to a certain esxtent he did court the favor of the people
as individuals. To the majority he allowed the inter-
est they were owing, an act by which he had iacurred
the enmity of Pompey, and he released them from all
rent for one year, up to the sum of five hundred
denarii; furthermore he raised the valuations on
goods in which it was allowable according to law for
loans to be paid to their value at the time of payment,
and this after having considerably lowered the price
for the populace on all confiscated property. By these
acts he gained the attachment of the people; and he
won the affection of the members of his party and
those who had fought for him also. For upon the
senators he bestowed priesthoods and offices, — some
which lasted for the rest of that year and some which
extended to the following season. In order to reward
a larger number he appointed ten praetors for the
next year and more than the customary number of
priests. To the pontifices and the augurs, of whom
he was one, and to the so-called Fifteen he added
one each, although he really wished to take all the
priesthoods himself, as had been decreed. To the
knights in his army and to the centurions and subordi-
350
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
nate officers lie gave among other rights the importaat b. c. 47
privilege of choosing some of their own number for
the senate to fiU the places of those who had perished,
The unrest of the troops, however, made trouble for — 58 —
him. They had expected to obtain great things, and
finding their rewards not less, to-be sure, than their
deserts, but inferior to their expectations, they raised
an outcry. The most of them were in Campania, be-
ing destined to sail on ahead to Africa. These nearly
killed Sallust, who had been appointed praetor so as
to recover his senatorial office, and when escaping them
he set out for Eome to lay before Caesar what was being
done, a number followed him, sparing no one on their
way, and killed among others whom they met two sen-
ators. Caesar as soon as he heard of their approach
wished to send his guard against them, but fearing
that it too might join the uprising he remained quiet
until they reached the suburbs. While they waited
there he sent to them and enquired what wish or what
need had brought them. Upon their replying that they
would tell him face to face he allowed them to enter
the city unarmed, save as to their swords; these they
were regularly accustomed to wear in the city, and
they would not have submitted to laying them aside at
this time. They insisted a great deal upon the toils _63_
and dangers they had undergone and said a great deal
about what they had hoped and what they declared they
deserved to obtain. Next they asked to be released
from service and were very clamorous on this point,
not because they wished to return to private life, —
351
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^- ^-J^l. they were far from anxious for this since they had
{a. u. 707) "' •'
long become accustomed to the gains from warfare —
but because they thought they would scare Caesar in
this way and accomplish anything whatever, since his
projected invasion of Africa was close at hand. He,
however, made no reply at all to their earlier state-
ments, but said merely: " Quirites,^ what you say is
right: you are weary and worn out with wounds," and
then at once disbanded them all as if he had no further
need of them, promising that he woidd give the rewards
in full to such as had served the appointed time. At
these words they were struck with alarm both at his
attitude in general and because he had called them
Quirites and not soldiers; and humiliated^ in fear of
suffering some calamity, they changed their stand, and
addressed him with many entreaties and offers, prom-
ising that they would join his expedition as volunteers
and would carry the war through for him by them-
selves. When they had reached this stage and one of
their leaders also, either on his own impulse or as a
favor to Caesar, had said a few words and presented a
few petitions in their behalf, the dictator answered:
" I release both you who are here present and all the
rest whose years of service have expired. I really
have no further need of you. Yet even so I will pay
you the rewards, that no one may say that I after using
you in dangers later showed myself ungrateful, even
though you were unwilling to join my campaign while
perfectly strong in body and able in other respects to
1 /. e., " Citizens."
352
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
prosecute a war." This lie said for effect, for they ~^^~Z
"were quite indispensable to him. He then assigned (»• «• 707)
them all land from the public holdings and from his
own, settling them in different places, and separating
them considerable distances from one another, to the
end that they should not inspire their neighbors with
terror nor (dwelling apart) be ready for insurrection.
Of the money that was owing them, large amounts of
which he had promised to give them at practically every
levy, he offered to discharge a part immediately and to
supply the remainder with interest in the near future.
When he had said this and so enthralled them that they
showed no sign of boldness but expressed their grati-
tude, he added : ' ' You have all that is due you from
me, and I will compel no one of you to endure cam-
paigns any longer. If, however, any one wishes of his
own accord to help me subjugate what remains, I wUl
gladly receive him." Hearing this they were over-
joyed, and all alike were anxious to join the new expe-
dition. Caesar put aside the turbulent spirits among _55_
them, not all, but as many as were moderately well
acquainted with farming and so could make a living, —
and the rest he used. This he did also in the case of
the rest of his soldiers. Those who were overbold and
able to cause some great evil he took away from Italy
in order that they might not raise an insurrection by
being left behind there ; and in Africa he was glad to
employ different men on different pretexts, for while
he was making away with his opponents through their
work, he at the same time got rid of them. Though he
VOL. 2.-23 353
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^- ^- *I> was the kindliest of men and most frequently did favors
{a. M. 707) -L J
of various sorts for his soldiers and others, he bitterly
hated those given to uprisings and punished them with
extreme severity.
This he did in that year in which he ruled as dictator
really for the second time and the consuls were said
to be Calenus and Vatinius, appointed near the close
— 56— of the season. He next crossed over into Africa^ al-
though winter had set in. And he had no little success
when, somewhat later, he made an unlocked for attack
on his opponents. On all occasions he accomplished a
great deal by his rapidity and the unexpectedness of his
expeditions, so that if any one should try to study out
what it was that made him so superior to his contem-
poraries in warfare, he would find by careful compari-
son that there was nothing more striking than these two
characteristics. Africa had not been friendly to Caesar
formerly, but after Curio's death it became entirely
hostile. Affairs were in the hands of Varus and Juba,
and furthermore Cato, Scipio, and their followers had
taken refuge there simultaneously, as I have stated.
After this they made common cause in the war, trained
the land forces, and making descents by sea upon Sicily
and Sardinia they harassed the cities and brought back
ships from which they obtained^ arms and iron besides,
which alone they lacked. Finally they reached such a
condition of readiness and disposition that, as no army
opposed them and Caesar delayed in Egypt and the capi-
tal, they despatched Pompey to Spain. On learning
iXylander and Leunclavius supply this necessary word, lacking in
the MS.
354
— 57-
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
that the peninsula was in revolt they thought that the ^- ^-.f^.
people would readily receive him as being the son of
Pompey the Great; and while he made preparations to
occupy Spain in a short time and set out from there to
the capital, the others were getting ready to make the
voyage to Italy. At the start they experienced a slight
delay, due to a dispute between Varus and Scipio about
the leadership because the former had held sway for a
longer time in these regions, and also Juba, elated by
his victory, demanded that he should have first place.
But Scipio and Cato reached an agreement, as being
far in advance of them all, the former in esteem, the
latter in understanding, and won over the rest, per-
suading them to entrust everything to Scipio. Cato,
who might have led the forces on equal terms with him
or even alone, refused, first because he thought it a
most injurious course in the actual state of affairs, and
second, because he was inferior to the other in political
renown. For he saw that in military matters the prin-
ciple of preference to ex-magistrates as a matter of
course had especial force, and therefore he willingly
yielded bini the command and furthermore delivered to
him the troops that he had brought there. After this
Cato made a request for Utica, which was suspected of
favoring Caesar's cause and had come near havmg its
citizens removed by the others on this account, and he
received it to guard; and the whole country and sea
in that vicinity was entrusted to his garrisons. The
rest Scipio commanded as dictator. His very name was
a source of strength to those who sided with him^ since
by some strange, unreasonable hope they believed that
no Scipio could meet with misfortune in Africa.
355
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
T^^t; Caesar, when he learned this and saw that his own
B. C. 47
(a. «. 707) soldiers also were persuaded that it was so and were
consequently afraid, took with him. as an aid a man of
the family of the Scipios who bore that name (he was
otherwise known as Salvito^) and then made the voy-
age to Adrymetum, since the neighborhood of Utica
was strictly guarded. His unexpected crossing in the
winter enabled him to escape detection. When he had
left his ship an accident happened to him which, even
if some disaster was portended by Heaven, he neverthe-
less turned to a good omen. Just as he was setting
foot on land he slipped, and the soldiers seeing him fall
on his face were disheartened and in their chagrin
raised an outcry; but he never lost his presence of
mind, and stretching out his hands as if he had fallen
on purpose he embraced and kissed repeatedly the land,
and cried with a shout : "I have thee, Africa ! ' ' His
next move was an assault upon Adrymetum, from
which he was repulsed and moreover driven violently
out of his camp. Then he transferred his position to
another city called Ruspina, and being received by the
inhabitants set up his winter quarters there and made
it the base for subsequent warfare.
1 Compare Plutarch, Life of Csesar, chapter 52, and Suetonius, Life
of Csesar, chapter 59.
356
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
43
357
The following is contained in the Forty- third of Dio's Rome:
How Caesar conquered Scipio and Juba (chapters 1-8),
How the Romans got possession of Numidia (chapter 9).
How Cato slew himself (chapters 10-13).
How Csesar returned to Rome and celebrated his triumph
and settled what business remained (chapters 14-21).
How the Forum of Csesar and the Temple of Venus were
consecrated (chapters 22-25).
How Csesar arranged the year in its present fashion,
(chapters 26, 27).
How Csesar conquered in Spain Gnseus Pompey the son
of Pompey (chapters 28-45).
How for the first time consuls were appointed for not an
entire year (chapters 46-48).
How Carthage and Corinth received colonies (chapters
49, 50).
How the -^diles Cereales were appointed (chapter 51).
Duration of time, three years, in which there were the following
magistrates here enumerated.
C. lulius C. F. Caesar, Dictator (III), with iEmilius
Lepidus, Master of Horse, and Consul (III) with ^milius
Lepidus Cos. (B. C. 46 = a. u. 708.)
0. lulius Csesar, Dictator (IV), with .^milius Lepidus,
Master of Horse; also Consul (IV) alone. (B. C. 45 =
a. u. 709.)
C. lulius Csesar, Dictator (V), with -^milius Lepidus,
Master of Horse, and Consul (V) with M. Antonius Cos.
(B. C. 44 = a. u. 710.)
358
(BOOK 43, BOISSEVAINJ
Such were his adventures at this time. The follow- ~ l —
ing year he became both dictator and consul at the (a.'u■^m)
same time (it was the third occasion on which he had
filled each of the two offices), and Lepidus became his
colleague in both instances. When he had been named
dictator by Lepidus the first time, he had sent him im-
mediately after the praetorship into Hither Spain ; and
when he returned he had honored him with triumphal
celebrations though Lepidus had conquered no foes nor
so much as fought with any, — the excuse being that he
had been at the scene of the exploits of Longinus and
of Marcellus. Yet he sent home nothing (if you want
the facts) except what money he had plundered from
the allies. Caesar besides exalting Lepidus with these
honors chose him subsequently as his colleague in both
the positions mentioned.
Now while they were still in office, the populace of — 2 —
Eome became excited by prodigies. There was a wolf
seen in the city, and a pig that save for its feet re-
sembled an elephant was brought forth. In Africa, too,
Petreius and Labienus who had observed that Caesar
had gone out to vUlages after grain, by means of the
Nomads drove his cavalry, that had not yet thoroughly
recovered strength from its sea-voyage, in upon the
infantry; and while as a result the force was in utter
confusion, they killed many of the soldiers at close
quarters. They would have cut down all the rest be-
sides, who had crowded together on a bit of high
359
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
ground, had they not been severely wounded. Even
as it "Was, by this deed they alarmed Caesar considera-
bly. When he stopped to consider how he had been
tripped by a few, while expecting, too, that Scipio and
Juba would arrive directly with all their powers, as
they had been reported, he was decidedly in a dilemma,
and did not know what course to adopt. He was not yet
able to bring the war to a satisfactory conclusion; he
saw, furthermore, that to stay in the same place was
difficult because of the lack of subsistence even if the
foe should keep away from his troops, and that to re-
tire was impossible, with the enemy pressing upon him
both by land and by sea. Consequently he was in a
state of dejection.
_3_ He was stUl in this situation when one Publius Sit-
tius (if we ought to call it him, and not the Divine
Power) brought at one stroke salvation and victory.
This man had been exiled from Italy, and had taken
along some fellow-exiles : after crossing over into Mau-
ritania he collected a band and was general under Boc-
chus. Though he had no benefit from Caesar to start
with, and although in general he was not known to him,
he undertook to share in the war and to help him to
overcome the existing difficulty. Accordingly he bore
no direct aid to Caesar himself, for he heard that the
latter was at a distance and thought that his own assist-
ance (for he had no large body of troops) would prove
of small value to him. It was Juba whom he watched
start out on his expedition, and then he invaded Numi-
dia, which along with Gaetulia (likewise a part of
360
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Juba's dominion) he harried so completely that the ^- ^-J^,
king gave up the project before him and turned back in
the midst of his journey with most of his army; some
of it he had sent off to Scipio. This fact made it as
evident as one could wish that if Juba had also come
up, Caesar would never have withstood the two. He did
not so much as venture to join issue with Scipio alone'
at once, because he stood in terrible dread of the ele-
phants (among other things), partly on account of their
fighting abilities, but stUl more because they were for-
ever throwing his cavalry into confusion. Therefore, — 4—
while keeping as strict a watch over the camp as he
could, CsBsar sent to Italy for soldiers and elephants.
He did not count on the latter for any considerable mili-
tary achievement (since there were not many of them)
but intended that the horses, by becoming accustomed
to the sight and sound of them, should learn for the fu-
ture not to fear at all those belonging to the enemy.
Meanwhile, also, the Gaetulians came over to his side,
with some others of the neighboring tribes. The lat-
ter 's reasons for this step were, first, — the persuasion
of the Gaetuli, who, they heard, had been greatly hon-
ored, and second, the fact that they remembered Ma-
rius, who was a relative of Caesar. "When this had
occurred, and his auxiliaries from Italy in spite of de-
lay and danger caused by bad weather and hostile
agents had nevertheless accomplished the passage, he
did not rest a moment. On the contrary he was eager
for the conflict, looking to annihilate Scipio in advance
of Juba's arrival, and moved forward against him in
361
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 the direction of a city called Uzitta, where lie took up
his quarters on a certain crest overlooking both the
city and the enemy's camp, having first dislodged those
who were holding it. Soon after this he chased Scipio,
who had attacked him, away from this higher ground,
and by charging down behind him with his cavalry did
some damage.
This position accordingly he held and fortified ; and
he took another on the other side of the city by dis-
lodging Labienus from it ; after which he walled off the
entire town. For Scipio, fearing lest his own power
be spent too soon, would no longer risk a battle with
Caesar, but sent for Juba. And when the latter repeat-
edly failed to obey his summons he (Scipio) promised
to relinquish to him all the rights that the Eomans had
in Africa. At that, Juba appointed others to have
charge of the operations against Sittius, and once more
started out himself against Caesar.
— 5 — While this was going on Caesar tried in every way to
draw Scipio into close quarters. Baffled in this, he
made friendly overtures to the latter 's soldiers, and
distributed among them brief pamphlets, in which he
promised to the native that he would preserve his
possessions unharmed, and to the Roman that he would
grant immunity and the honors which he owed to his
own followers, Scipio in like manner undertook to
circulate both offers and pamphlets among the op-
posite party, with a view to making some of them his
own : however, he was unable to induce any of them to
change sides. Not that some of them would not have
362
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
chosen Ms cause by preference, if any announcement ^- ^- *^
similar to Caesar's had been made: their failure to do
so was due to the fact that he promised them nothing
in the way of a prize, but merely urged them to liberate
the Eoman people and the senate. And so, inasmuch
as he chose a respectable proposition instead of some-
thing which would advantage them in the needs of the
moment, he failed to gain the allegiance of a single
one.
While Scipio alone was in the camp, matters pro- — 6 —
gressed as just described, but when Juba also came
up, the scene was changed. For these two both tried to
provoke their opponents to battle and harassed them
when they showed unwillingness to contend ; moreover
by their cavalry they kept iaflicting serious damage
upon any who were scattered at a distance. But Caesar
was not for getting into close quarters with them if
he could help it. He stuck to his circumvallation, kept
seizing provender as was convenient, and sent after
other forces from home. When at last these reached
him with much difficulty — (for they were not all to-
gether, but kept gathering gradually, since they lacked
boats in which to cross in a body) — still, when in the
course of time they did reach him and he had added
them to his army, he took courage again; so much so,
that he led out against the foe, and drew up his men in
front of the trenches. Seeing this his opponents mar-
shaled themselves in turn, but did not join issue with
Caesar's troops. This continued for several days. For
aside from cavalry skirmishes of limited extent after
363
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 which they would invariably retire, neither side risked
(a. u. 708) ''
any important movement.
— 7— Accordingly Csesar, who bethought himself that be-
cause of the nature of the land he could not force them
to come into close quarters unless they chose, started
toward Thapsus, in order that either they might come
to the help of the city and so engage his forces, or, if
they neglected it, he might capture the place. Now
Thapsus is situated on a kind of peninsula, with the
sea on one side and a marsh stretching along on the
other : between them lies a narrow, swampy isthmus so
that one has access to the town from two directions by
an extremely narrow road running along both sides of
the marsh close to the surf. On his way toward this city
Csesar, when he had come within these narrow ap-
proaches, proceeded to dig ditches and to erect pali-
sades. And the others made no trouble for him (for
they were not his match), but Scipio and Juba under-
took to wall off in turn the neck of the isthmus, where
it comes to an end near the mainland, dividing it into
two portions by means of palisades and ditches.
— 8— They were still at work, and accomplishing a great
deal every day (for in order that they might buUd the
wall across more quickly they had assigned the ele-
phants to that portion along which a ditch had not yet
been dug and on that account was somewhat accessible
to the enemy, while on the remaining defences all were
working), when Caesar suddenly attacked the others,
the followers of Scipio, and with slings and arrows
from a distance threw the elephants into thorough con-
364
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
fusion. As they retreated he not only followed them .^'^'^jH^
up, but unexpectedly reaching the workers he routed
them, too. When they fled into the redoubt, he dashed
in with them and captured it without a blow.
Juba, seeing this, was so startled and terrified, that
he ventured neither to come iato close quarters with
any one, nor even to keep the camp properly guarded,
but fled incontinently homeward. So then, when no
one would receive him, chiefly because Sittius had con-
quered all antagonists beforehand, he renounced all
chances of safety, and with Petreius, who likewise had
no hope of amnesty, in single conflict fought and died.
Caesar, immediately after Juba's flight, captured the _9_
palisade and wrought a vast slaughter among all
those that met his troops : he spared not even those
who would change to his side. Next, meeting with no
opposition, he brought the rest of the cities to terms;
the Nomads whom he acquired he reduced to a state of
submission, and delivered to Sallust nominally to rule,
but really to harry and plunder. This officer certainly
did receive many bribes and make many confiscations,
so that accusations were even preferred and he bore
the stigma of the deepest disgrace, inasmuch as after
writing such treatises as he had, and making many bit-
ter remarks about those who enjoyed the fruits of
others' labor, he did not practice what he preached.
Wherefore, no matter how full permission was given
bim by CsBsar, yet in his History the man himself had
chiseled his own code of principles deep, as upon a
tablet.
365
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^" ^\t^. Such was the course which events took. Now as for
(a. u. 70«)
these tribes in Libya, the region surrounding Carthage
(which we call also Africa) received the title of Old, be-
cause it had been long ago subjugated, whereas the
region of the Nomads was called New, because it had
been newly captured. Scipio, who had fled from the
battle, chancing upon a boat set sail for Spain and
Pompey. He was cast ashore, however, upon Mauri-
tania, and through fear of Sittius made way with
himself.
— 10— Cato, since many had sought refuge with him, was
at first preparing to take a hand in affairs and to offer
a certain amount of resistance to Caesar. But the men
of Utica were not in the beginning hostile to Caesar, and
now, seeing him victorious, would not listen to Cato.
This made the members of the senate and the knights
who were present afraid of arrest at their hands, and
they took counsel for flight. Cato himself decided
neither to war against Caesar — indeed, he lacked the
power, — nor to give himself up. This was not through
any fear : he understood well enough that Caesar would
have been very ready to spare him for the sake of that
reputation for humaneness : but it was because he was
passionately in love with freedom, and would not brook
defeat in aught at the hands of any man^ and regarded
pity emanating from Caesar as more hateful than death.
He called together those of the citizens who were
present, enquired whither each one of them had de-
termined to proceed, sent them forth with supplies for
the journey, and bade his son betake himself to Caesar.
366
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
To tlie youth's interrogation, " "Why then do you also .^- *^vlg>
not do so? " he replied: — " I, brought up in freedom,
with the right of free speech, can not in my old age
change and learn slavery instead; but you, who were
both born and brought up under such a regime, you
ought to serve the deity that presides over your
fortunes."
When he had done this, after sending to the people — ii —
of Utica an account of his administration and return-
ing to them the surplus funds, as well as whatever else
of theirs he had, he was filled with a desire to depart
previous to Caesar's arrival. He did not undertake
any such project by day (for his son and others sur-
rounding him kept him under surveillance), but when
evening was come he slipped a tiny dagger secretly
under his pUlow, and asked for Plato's book on the
Soul,^ which he had written out. This he did either
endeavoring to divert the company from the suspicion
that he had any sinister plan in mind, in order to ren-
der himself as free from scrutiny as possible, or else
in the wish to obtain some little consolation in respect
to d^.th from the reading of it. When he had read
the work through, as it drew on toward midnight, he
stealthily drew out the dagger, and smote himself upon
the belly. He would have immediately died from loss
of blood, had he not by falling from the low couch
made a noise and aroused those sleeping ia the ante-
chamber. Thereupon his son and some others who
rushed in duly put back his bowels into his belly again,
1 Better known as the Phcedo.
367
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 48 and brought medical attendance for him. Then they
took away the dagger and locked the doors, that ha
might obtain, sleep, — for they had no idea of his per-
ishing in any other way. But he, having thrust his
hands into the woimd and broken the stitches of it,
expired.
Thus Cato, who had proved himself both the most
democratic and the strongest willed of his contempo-
raries acquired a great glory even from his very death,
so that he obtained the commemorative title " of
Utica," both because he had died, as described, in
that city, and because he was publicly buried by the
— 12 — people. Caesar declared that with him he was angry,
because Cato had grudged him the distinction attach-
ing to the preservation of such a man, but released his
son and most of the rest, as was his custom: for some
came over to him immediately of their own volition,
and others later, so as to approach him after time
should have somewhat blurred his memory. So these
escaped, but Afranius and Faustus would not come
to him of their own free will, for they felt sure of de-
struction. They fled to Mauritania, where they were
captured by Sittius. Caesar put them to death with-
out a trial, on the ground that they were captives for
a second time.^ And in the case of Lucius Caesar,
1 The Greek word representing " for a second time " is not in the
MS., but is supplied with the best of reason by Schenkl and also Cobet
(see Mnemosyne N. S. X, p. 196). It was Csesar's regular custom' to
spare any who were taken captive for the first time, but invariably
to put them to death if they were again caught opposing him in arms.
References in Dio are numerous: Compare Book 41, chapter 62; Book
43, chapter 17; Book 44, chapter 45; Book 44, chapter 46. The same
rule for the treatment of captives finds mention also in the Life of
CsEsar by Suetonius, chapter 75.
368
— 13 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
though the man was related to him and came a volun- b. c. 46
(a. u. I OS)
tary suppliant, nevertheless, siace he had fought
against him straight through, he at first bade him,
stand trial so that the conqueror might seem to have
some legal right on his side in condemning him : later
Caesar shrank from killing him by his own votei, and
put it off for the time, but afterward did slay him
secretly. Even among his own followers those that
did not suit him he sacrificed without compunction to
the opposing side in some cases, and in others by pre^
arrangement caused them to perish in the actual con-
flicts, through the agency of their own comrades, for,
as I have said, he did not take measures openly against
all those that had troubled him, but any that he could
not prosecute on some substantial charge he quietly
put out of the way in some obscure fashion. And yet
at that time he burned without reading all the papers
that were found in the private chests of Scipio, and of
the men who had fought against him he preserved many
for their own sakes, and many also on account of their
friends. For, as has been said, he allowed each of his
fellow-soldiers and companions to ask the life of one
man. He would have preserved Cato, too. For he
had conceived such an admiration for him that when
Cicero subsequently wrote an encomium of Cato he
was no whit vexed, — although Cicero had likewise
warred against him,^ but merely wrote a short treat-
ise which he entitled Anticato.
Caesar after these events at once and before cross- — 14
ing into Italy disencumbered himself of the more
VOL. 2.-24 369
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 elderly among Ms soldiers for fear they might re-
(o. u. 708) . . .
volt again. He arranged the other matters in Africa
just as rapidly as was feasible and sailed as far as
Sardinia with all his fleet. From that point he sent
the discarded troops in the company of Grains Didius
into Spain against Pompey, and himself returned to
Eome, priding himself chiefly upon the brilliance of his
achievements but also to some extent upon the decrees
of the senate. For they had decreed that offerings
should be made for his victory during forty days, and
they had granted him leave to celebrate the previously
accorded triumph upon white horses and with such
lictors as were then in his company, with as many oth-
ers as he had employed in his first dictatorship, and
all the rest, besides, that he had in his second. Fur-
ther, they elected him superintendent of every man's
conduct (for some such name was given him, as if the
title of censor were not worthy of him), for three
years, and dictator for ten in succession. They more-
over voted that he should sit in the senate upon the
sella curulis with the acting consuls, and should always
state his opinion first, that he should give the signal
in all the horse-races, and that he should have the
appointment of the officers and whatever else formerly
the people were accustomd to assign. And they re-
solved that a representation of his chariot be set on
the Capitol opposite Jupiter, that upon an image of
the inhabited world a bronze figure of Caesar be
mounted, holding a written statement to the effect that
he was a demi-god, and that his name be inscribed upon
370
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
the Capitol, in place of that of Catiilus, on the ground b. c. 46
that he had finished the temple, in the course of the con-
struction of which he had undertaken to call Catulus
to account. These are the only measures I have re-
corded, not because they were also the only ones voted,
— for a vast number of things was proposed and of
course ratified, — but because he disregarded the rest,
whereas these he accepted.
Now that they had been settled, he entered Eome, — 15 —
where he saw that the inhabitants were afraid of his
power and suspicious of his designs as a result of
which they expected to suffer many terrible evils such
as had takeiu place before. Seeing also that on this
account excessive honors had been accorded him,
through flattery but not through good-will, he began
to encourage the Romans and to inspire them with
hope by the following speech delivered in the senate:
' ' Let none of you. Conscript Fathers, expect that I
shall make any harsh proclamation or perform any
cruel act merely because I have conquered and am able
to say whatever I may please without being called to
account, and to do with authority whatever I may
choose. It is true that Marius and Cinna and Sulla and
all the rest, so to speak, who ever subdued their adver-
saries, in their initial undertakings said and did much
that was humane, principally as a result of which they
converted to their side some whose alliance, or at least
whose refraining from hostilities, they enjoyed; and
then after conquering and becoming masters of the
ends they sought, they adopted a course of behavior
371
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 diametrically opposed to their former stand both, in'
word and in deed. Let no one, however, for any such,
reason assume that this same policy will be mine. I
have not associated with you in former time under a
disguise, possessing in reality some different nature,
only to become emboldened in security now because
that is possible : nor have I been so excited or beclouded
by my great good fortune as to desire also to play
the tyrant over you. Both of these afflictions, or
rather the second, seems to have befallen those men'
whom I mentioned. No, I am in nature the same
sort of a man as you have always found me: — why
should I go into details and become burdensome by
a praise of self? — I should not think of treating For-
tune so shabbily, but the more I have enjoyed her
favors, the better wiU I use her in every respect. I
have been anxious to secure so great power and to
rise to such a height as to chastise all active foes and
admonish all those disaffected for no other reason
than that I might be able to play a brave part without
— 16— danger, and to obtain prosperity with fame. It is
not, besides, in general either noble or just for a man
to be convicted of adopting that course for which he
had rebuked those who differed from him in opinion:
nor should I ever be satisfied to be compared with
them through my imitation of their deeds, and to differ
merely by the reputation of my complete victory. For
who ought to benefit people more and more abund-
antly than he who has the greatest power. Who
ought to err less than he who is the strongest! Who
372
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
should use the gifts of Heaven more sensibly than he /^■„^'708)
who has received the greatest from that source? Who
ought to handle present blessings more uprightly than
he who has the most of them and is most afraid of
their being lost? Good fortune, joined with temper-
ance, continues : and authority, if it maintains moder-
ation, preserves all that has been gained. Above all,
as is seldom the case with those persons that succeed
without virtue, they make it possible for rulers while
alive to be loved unfeignedly, and when dead to re-
ceive genuine praise. But the man who without re-
straint absolutely applies his power to everything
finds for himself neither real good-will nor certain
safety, but though accorded a false flattery in public
[is secretly cursed].^ For the whole world, besides
those who associate with him most, both suspect and
fear a ruler who is not master of his own authority.
"Again, these words that I have spoken are no mere _ 17 —
quibbles, and I have tried to make you understand that
they have not fallen into my head for ostentation or
by mere chance on the present occasion: on the con-
trary, from the outset I realized that this course was
both suitable and advantageous for me; that is why
I both think and speak thus. Consequently you may
be not only of good courage with reference to the
present, but hopeful as regards the future, reflecting
(if you think I used any pretence), that I would not
be deferring my projects, but would have made them
known this very day.
1 The last three words of this sentence are not found in the MS., but
as a correlative clause of contrast is evidently needed to complete the
sense, thi&, or something similar, is supplied by most editors.
373
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 <' However, I was never otherwise minded in times
{a. u. 708) '
past, as my works themselves, indeed, doubtless prove,
and now I shall feel far more eagerness with aU order
»
and decency not, — forbid it, Jupiter! — not to be your
master, but your head man, not your tyrant, but your
leader. In the matter of accomplishing for you
everything else that must be done, I will be both consul
and dictator, but in the matter of injuring any one, a
private citizen. That possibility I do not think should
be even mentioned. Why should I put any one of
you to death, who have done me no harm, when I
destroyed none of my adversaries, even if with the
utmost zeal they had taken^ part with various enemies
against me, but I took pity on all those that had with-
stood me but once, saving many alive of those that
fought on the opposing side a second time? How should
I bear malice toward any, seeing that without reading
or making excerpts I immediately burned all the docu-
ments that were foimd among the private papers both
in Pompey's and in Scipio's tents? So then, let us,
Conscript Fathers, boldly unite our interests, forget-
ting all past events as brought to pass simply by some
supernatural Force, and beginning to love each the
other without suspicion as though we were some new
citizens. In this way you may behave yourselves
toward me as toward a father, enjoying the fore-
thought and solicitude which I shall give you and
fearing no vexation, and I may have charge of you as
of children, praying that aU noblest deeds may be ever
accomplished by your exertions, and enduring perforce
1 Reading auvrjpavro with Bekker and Reiske in place of MS. itpoa-j-
pavTo.
374
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
human limitations, exalting the excellent by fitting hon- ^- c. 46
ors and correcting the rest so far as is feasible.
"Another point — do not fear the soldiers nor re- — is —
gard them in any other light than as guardians of my
dominion, which is at the same time yours : that they
should be maintained is inevitable, for many reasons,
but they will be maintained for your benefit, not against
you ; they will be content with what is given them and
think well of the givers. For this reason larger taxes
than is customary have been levied, in order that the
opposition might be made submissive and the victorious
element, receiving sufficient support, might not become
an opposition. Of course I have received no private
gain from these funds, seeing that I have expended
for you all that I possessed, including much that I
had borrowed. No, you can see that a part has been
expended on the wars, and the rest has been kept safe
for you: it will serve to adorn the city and admin-
ister the other governmental departments. I have,
then, taken upon my own shoulders the odium of the
levy, whereas you will all enjoy its advantages in com-
mon, in the campaigns as well as elsewhere. We are in
need of arms at every moment, since without them it
is impossible for us, who inhabit so great a city and
hold so extensive an empire, to live safely: now the
surplus of money will be a mighty assistance in this
matter. However, let none of you suspect that I shall
harass any man who is rich or establish any new taxes :
I shall be satisfied with the present collections and be
more anxious to help make some contribution to you
than to wrong any one for his money. ' '
375
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 By such statements in the senate and afterward
(o. M. 708) ''
before the people Caesar relieved them to some extent
of their fears, but was not able to persuade them en-
tirely to be of good courage until he corroborated his
declarations by his deeds.
— 10 — After this he conducted subsequent proceedings in
a brilliant manner, as was fitting in honor of so many
and such decisive victories. He celebrated triumphs
over the Gauls, for Egypt, for Pharnaces and for
Juba, in four sections, on four separate days. Most
of it doubtless delighted the spectators, but the sight
of Arsiuoe of Egypt — he had brought her along
among the captives — and the horde of lictors and
the symbols of triumph taken from citizens who had
fallen in Africa displeased them exceedingly. The
lictors, on account of their numbers, appeared to them
a most outrageous multitude, since never before had
they beheld so many at one time: and the sight of
Arsiuoe, a woman and once called queen, in chains (a
spectacle which had never yet been offered, in Eome
at least), aroused very great pity, and in consequence
on this excuse they incidentally lamented their personal
misfortunes. She, to be sure, was released out of con-
sideration for her brothers, but others including Ver-
cingetorix were put to death.
— 20 — The people, accordingly, were disagreeably affected
by these sights that I have mentioned, and yet they
deemed them very few considering the multitude of
the captives and the magnitude of Caesar's accomplish-
ments. This, as well as the fact that he endured very
376
f
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
goodnaturedly the axmy's outspoken comments/ led b. c. 46
them to admire him extremely. For they made sport "
of those of their own number appointed to the senate by
him and all the other failings of which he was ac-
cused:^ most of all they jested about his love for Cleo-
patra and his sojourn at the court of Nicomedes, ruler
of Bithynia, inasmuch as he had once been at his court
when a lad ; indeed, they even declared that Caesar
had enslaved® the Gauls, but Nicomedes Caesar. Fin-
ally, on the top of all the rest they all together with a
shout declared that if you do well, you will be pun-
ished, but if ill you shall rule.* This was meant by
them to signify that if Caesar should restore self-gov-
1 These blatherskite jests formed a part of the ritual of the triumph,
for the purpose of averting the possible jealousy of Heaven. Compare,
in general, the interesting description of a triumph given in Frag-
ment 23 (volume VI).
2 Reading ijTtoCcTo (Cobet's preference).
sCsesar's conduct during his stay with Nicomedes (with embellish-
ments) was thrown in his teeth repeatedly during his career. Accord-
ing to Suetonius (Life of Caesar, chapter 49) the soldiers sang scur-
rilous verses, as follows:
Gallias Csesar subegit, Nicomedes Csesarem. /
Ecce Csesar nunc triumphat qui subegit Gallias, / •'t
Nicomedes non triumphat qui subegit Csesarem. ^^i #/^
Dio undoubtedly had these verses before him, in either Suetonius or A 4," * •.»^/W
some other work, but seems to have been too slow-witted to appreciate jtt 1*^ ^^
the double entendre in subegit, which may signify voluptuary as well/^. */ /a
as military prowess. Hence, though he might have turned the expres-^^llA^
sion exactly by birnydYeTo^ he contented himself with the prosaic t «- ^(PH
iSooXwaaro. MaAtK^^'l*'
*Thi8 remark (as Cobet pointed out) is evidently a perversion of **^^^ J
an old nursery jingle (nenia) :
Bi male faxis vapuldbig, si bene fateis rex eris.
And another form of it is found in Horace, Epistles (I, 1, 59-60) :
at pueri ludentes ' rex eris ' aiunt
' si recte fades.'
;h(
377
The soldiers simply changed the position of male and bene in the
line above cited.
DIO S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 ermnent to the people — whioh they regarded as just
— and stand trial for the acts he had committed out-
side the laws, he would even imdergo pundshment;
whereas, if he should cleave to his power, — which
they deemed the course of an imjust person, — he
would continue sole ruler. As for him, however, he
was not displeased at their saying this: on the con-
trary he was quite delighted that by such frankness
toward him they showed a belief that he would never be
angry at it, — except in so far as their abuse concerned
his association with Nicomedes. At this he was de-
cidedly irritated and evidently pained: he attempted
to defend himself, denying with an oath that the case
was such, and after that he incurred the further pen-
alty of laughter.
— 81 — Now on the first day of the festival of victory a por-
tent far from good fell to his lot. The axle of the
triumphal chariot was crushed just opposite the very
temple of Fortune built by LucuUus, so that he had
to complete the rest of the course in another. On this
> occasion, too, he climbed up the stairs of the Capitol
on his knees, without noticing at all either the chariot
which he had dedicated to Jupiter, or the image of
the inhabited world lying beneath his feet, or the in-
scription upon it: later on, however, he erased from
that inscription the name demi-god.
After this triimiphal celebration he entertained the
populace splendidly, giving them grain beyond the
regular measure and olive oil. Also, to the multitude
:which received the present of grain he assigned the
378
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
seventy-five denarii which he had promised in ad- b. c. 46
. (o. M. 708)
vance, and twenty-five more, but to the soldiers five
hundred in one sum. Yet he was not merely ostenta-
tious : in most respects he was very exact ; for iastance,
since the throng receiving doles of grain had for ai
very long period been growing not by lawful methods
of increase but in such ways as are common in popular
tumults, he investigated the matter and erased half
of their names at one time.
The first days of the fete he passed as was custom- — 33 —
ary: on the last day, after they had finished dinner,
he entered his own forum wearing fancy sandals and
garlanded with all sorts of flowers; thence he pro-
ceeded homeward with the entire populace, so to speak,
alongside escorting him, while many elephants car-
ried torches. He had himself adorned the forum
called after him, and it is distinctly more beautiful
than the Eoman (Forum) ; yet it had increased the
reputation of the other so that that was called the
Great Forum. This forum which he had constructed
and the temple of Venus, looked upon as the founder
of his race, he dedicated at this very time. In honor
of them he instituted many contests of all kinds. He
furnished with benches a kind of hunting-theatre,
which from the fact that it had seats all around with-
out a canopy was called an amphitheatre. Here in
honor of his daughter he had animals killed and con-
tests between men in armor ; but whoever should care
to write down their number would doubtless render
his narrative tedious besides falling into errors; for
379
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 all sucli things are regularly eixaggerated by boast-
(a. u. 708)
ing. I shall accordingly pass over this, and be silent
on the other ILke events that subsequently took place,
— unless, of course, it should seem to me thoroughly
— 23— necessary to mention some particular point, — but I
will give an account of the so-called camelopard, be-
cause it was then for the first time introduced into
Rome by Caesar and exhibited to all. This animal is in
general a camel, except that it has sets of legs not
of equal length. That is, its hind legs are shorter.
Beguming from the rump its back grows gradually
higher, appearing as if it would ascend indefinitely,
until the most of its body reaching its loftiest point
is supported on the front legs, while the neck stretches
up to an unusual height. It has skin spotted like a
leopard, and for this reason bears the name common
to both animals. Such is the appearance of this beast.
As for the men, he not only pitted one against an-
other in the Forum, as had been customary, but he also
in the hippodrome brought them together in com-
panies, horsemen against horsemen, fighters on foot
against similar contestants, and others that were a
match for one another indiscriminately. Some even,
forty in number, fought from elephants. Finally he
produced a naval battle, not on the sea nor on the
lake but on land. He hollowed out a certain tract on
the Campus Martins and by letting water into it in-
troduced ships. In all the contests the captives and
those condemned to death took part. Some even of
the knights, and, — not to mention others, — a son of
380
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
a man wlio had been prastor fought in single combat. B. c. 46
Indeed, a senator named Fulvius Sepinus^ desired to
contend in full armor, but was prevented; for Caesar
had expressed a fervent wish that that should never
take place, though he did permit the knights to con-
tend. The patrician children went through the so-
called Troy equestrian exercise according to ancient
custom, and the young men who were their peers vied
with one another in chariots.
Still, it must be said he was blamed for the great —24 —
number of those who were slain, on the ground that he
had not himself become satiated with slaughter and was
further exhibiting to the populace symbols of their
own miseries; and much more so because he had ex-
pended on all that array countless sums. A clamor in
consequence was raised against him for two reasons, —
that he had collected most of the funds unjustly, and
that he had used them up for such purposes.
And by mentioning one feature of his extravagance
of that time I shall thereby give an inkling of all the
rest. In order that the sun might not annoy any of
the spectators he had curtains stretched over them
made of silk, according to some accounts. Now this
product of the loom is a device of barbarian luxury
and from them has come down even to us to satisfy the
excessive daintiness of veritable women. The civilians
perforce held their peace at such acts, but the soldiers
raised an outcry, not because they cared about the
money recklessly squandered but because they did not
iPosBibly, Boissevain thinks, this is a corruption for the Furius
Leptinus mentioned by Suetonius, Life of Csesar, chapter 39.
381
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B- *'• ttv themselves get what was appropriated to those dis-
plays. In fact they did not cease from confusion till
CsBsar suddenly coming upon them with his own hand
seized one man and delivered him up to punishment.
This person was executed for the reasons stated, and
two other men were slaughtered as a kind of piece of
ritual. The true cause I am unable to state, inasmuch
as the Sibyl made no utterance and there was no other
similar oracle, but at any rate they were sacrificed in
the Campus Martins by the pontifices and the priest of
Mars, and their heads were set up near the palace.
— 25 — While Caesar was thus engaged he was also enacting
many laws, passiag over most of which I shall mention
only those most deserving attention. The courts he
entrusted to the senators and the knights alone so that
the purest element of the population, so far as was pos-
sible, might always preside : formerly some of the com-
mon people had also joined with them in rendering deci-
sions. The expenditures, moreover, of men of means
which had been rendered enormous by their licentious-
ness he not only controlled by law but put a strong
check upon them by practical measures. There was,
on account of the numbers of warriors that had per-
ished, a dangerous scarcity of population, as was proved
both from the censuses (which he attended tOj among
other things, as if he were censor) and from actual
observation, consequently he offered prizes for large
families of children. Again, because he himself as a re-
sult of ruling the Gauls many years in succession had
been attracted into a desire for dominion and had by it
increased the equipment of his force, he limited by law
the term of ex-praetors to one year, and that of ex-con-
382
— 26 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
suls to two consecutive years, and enacted in general b. c. 46
•' ' ° (a. u. 708)
tnat no one should be allowed to hold any office for a
longer time.
After the passage of these laws he also established
in their present fashion the days of the year (which
were not definitely settled among the people, since even
at that time they regulated their months according to
the movements of the moon) by adding sixty-seven
days, aU that were necessary to bring the year out even.
In the past some have declared that even more were in-
terpolated, but the truth is as I have stated it. He got
this improvement from his stay in Alexandria, save in
so far as those people calculate their months as of
thirty days each, afterward annexing the five days to
the entire year as a whole, whereas Caesar distributed
among seven months these five along with two other
days that he took away from one month.^ The one day,
however, which is made up of four parts Caesar intro-
duced every fourth year, so as to have the annual sea-
sons no longer differ at all except in the slightest de-
gree. In fourteen hundred and sixty-one years there is
need of only one (additional) intercalary day.^
1 At present seven scattered months have thirty-one days. Csesar,
when he took the Alexandrian month of thirty days as his standard,
found the same discrepancy of five days as did the Egyptians. Besides
these he lopped two more days off one particular month, then spread
his remainder of seven through the year.
21 follow in this sentence the reading of all the older texts as well
as Boissevain's. Only Dindorf and Melber omit xai Tsrpaxoatoti, making
the number of years 1061. The usual figuring, 1461, has pertinence:
this number is just four times 365% and was recognized as an Egyptian
year-cycle.
As to the facts, however, Sturz points out (note 139 to Book 43)
that after the elapse of fourteen hundred and sixty-one years eleven
days must be subtracted instead of one day added. Pope Gregory
XIII ascertained this when in A. D. 1582 he summoned Aloysius and
Antonius Lilius to advise him in regard to the calendar, (BoissSe
also refers here to Ideler, Mamtel de Ohronologie, II, 119flf.)
383
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
— 37 — AH these and other undertakings which he was plan-
B. C. 46 a J:-
(a. u. 708) ning for the common weal he accomplished not by inde-
pendent declaration nor by independent cogitation, but
he communicated everything in every instance to the
heads of the senate, sometimes even to the entire body.
And to this practice most of all was due the fact that
even when he passed some rather harsh measures, he
still succeeded in pleasing them. For these actions he
received praise; but inasmuch as he had some of the
tribunes bring back many of those that stayed away
from court, and allowed those who were convicted of
bribery in office on actual proof to live in Italy, and
furthermore numbered once more among the senate
some who were not worthy of it, many murmurings of
all sorts arose against him. Yet the greatest censure
he incurred from all through his passion for Cleopatra,
— not the passion he had displayed in Egypt (that was
mere hearsay) , but in Eome itself. For she had come
to the city with her husband and settled in Caesar's
own house, so that he too derived an ill repute from
both of them. It caused him no anxiety, however; on
the contrary he enrolled them among the friends and
allies of the Eoman people.
_ 28 — Meanwhile he was learning in detail all that Pompey
was doing in Spain. Thinking him not hard to van-
quish, he at first despatched his fleet from Sardinia
against him, but later sent on also the army that was
available by list, evidently intending to conduct the en-
tire war through his representatives. But when he
ascertained that Pompey was progressing mightily and
384
— 29 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
that those sent were not sufficient to fight against him, , ^- c*. 46
° ° ' (a. u. 708)^
he finally himself went out to join the expedition, en-
trusting the city to Lepidus and certain sediles, — eight
as some think, or six as is more commonly believed.
The legions in Spain had rebelled during the period
of command of Longinus and Marcellus and some of
the cities had revolted; upon the removal of Longinus
(Trebonius becoming his successor) they kept quiet for
a few days : after that through fear of vengeance from
Caesar they secretly sent ambassadors to Scipio ex-
pressing a wish to transfer their allegiance. He de-
spatched to them among others Gnseus Pompey. The
latter being close to the Gymnasian^ islands took pos-
session of them without a battle, save Ebusus : this one
he brought over with difficulty, and then falling sick de-
layed there together with his soldiers. As he was late
in returning, the soldiers in Spain, who had learned
that Scipio was dead and Didius had set sail against
them, in their fear of being annihilated before Pompey
came failed to wait for him ; but putting at their head
Titus Quintius Scapula and Quintus Aponius, Roman
knights, they drove out Trebonius and led the whole
Bsetic nation to revolt at the same time. They had gone — 30
thus far when Pompey, recovering from his illness, ar-
rived by sea at the mainland opposite. He immediately
won over several cities without resistance, for they
were vexed at the commands of their rulers and besides
had no little hope in him because of the memory of his
1 The name of these islands is spelled both CrymnasicB and OymnesiiB,
and they are also called Baleares and Pity uses. Cp. the end of IX, 10,
in the transcript of Zonaras (Volume I).
VOL. 2.-25 385
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 father: Carthage/ which was unwilling to come to
terms, he besieged. The followers of Scapula on hear-
ing this went there and chose him general with full
powers, after which they adhered most closely to him
and showed the most violent zeal, regarding his succes-
ses as the successes of each individual and his disasters
as their own. Consequently they were strong for both
reasons, striving to obtain the successes and to avoid
the disasters.
For Pompey, too, did what all are accustomed to do
in the midst of such tumults and revolutions and es-
pecially after some of the AUobroges had deserted,
whom Juba had taken alive in a war against Curio and
had given him, there was nothing that he did not grant
the rest both by word and deed.
They accordingly became more zealous in his behalf,
and a number of the opposing side, particularly all who
had served under Afranius, came over to him. Then
there were those who came to him from Africa^ among
others his brother Sextus, and Varus, and Labienus
with his fleet. Therefore, elated by the multitude of
his army and their zeal he proceeded fearlessly through
the country, gaining some cities of their own accord,
some against their will, and seemed to surpass even his
— 31— father in power. For though Caesar had generals ia
Spain, — Quintus Fabius Maximus and Quintus Pedius,
they did not think themselves a match for him, but re-
mained quiet themselves, while they sent in haste for
their chief.
5 This is of course New Carthage (Karthago Nova), the Spanish
colony of the African city.
386
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
For a time matters went on so : but when a few of the , ^- ^-f^ .
{a. u. 70S)
men sent in advance from Rome had reached there, and
Caesar's arrival was looked for, Pompey became fright-
ened; and thinking that he was not strong enough to
gaia the mastery of all Spain, he did not wait for a re-
verse before changing his mind, but immediately, be-
fore testing the temper of his adversaries, retired into
Baetica. The sea, moreover, straightway became hostile
to him, and Varus was beaten iu a naval battle near
Carteia by Didius : indeed, had he not escaped to the
land and sunk anchors side by side at the mouth of
the harbor, upon which the foremost pursuers struck
as on a reef, the whole fleet would have perished. All
the country at that point except the city Ulia was an
ally of Pompey 's : this town, which had refused to sub-
mit to him, he proceeded to besiege.
Meanwhile Caesar, too, with a few men suddenly came —33 —
up unexpectedly not only to Pompey 's followers, but
even to his own soldiers. He had employed such speed
in the passage that he was seen both by his adherents
and by his opponents before news was brought that he
was actually in Spain. Now Caesar hoped from this
very fact and his mere presence to alarm Pompey in
general, and to draw him from the siege ; that was why
most of the army had been left behind on the road.
But Pompey, thinking that one man was not much
superior to another and quite confident in his own
strength, was not seriously startled at the other's ar-
rival, but continued to besiege the city and kept making
assaults just as before. Hence Caesar stationed there a
387
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
,^' ^\tl. few soldiers from among tlie first-comers and himself
(a. u. 708) °
started for Corduba, partly because he hoped to take
it by treachery, but chiefly because he expected to at-
tract Pompey through fear for it away from Ulia. And
so it turned out. For at first Pompey left a portion of
his army in position, went to Corduba and strengthened
it, and as Caesar did not withstand his troops, put his
brother Sextus in charge of it. However, he failed
to accomplish anything at Ulia : on the contrary, when
a certain tower had fallen, and that not shaken down
by his own men but broken down by the crowd thdt was
making a defence from it, some few who rushed in did
not come off well; and Caesar approaching lent assist-
ance secretly by night to the citizens, and himself again
made an expedition against Corduba, putting it under
siege in turn: then at last did Pompey withdraw en-
tirely from Ulia and hastened to the other town with
his entire army, — a movement not destitute of results.
For Caesar, learning of this ia advance, had retired, as
he happened to be sick. Afterward when he had recov-
ered and had taken charge of the additional troops who
accompanied him he was compelled to carry on warfare
even in the winter. Housed in miserable little tents
they were suffering distress and running short of food.
Caesar was at that time serving as dictator, and some
time late, near the dose of the war, he was appointed
consul, when Lepidus, who was master of the horse,
convoked the people for this purpose. He, Lepidus,
had become master of the horse at that time, having
given himself, while still in the consulship, that addi-
tional title contrary to ancestral traditions.
388
■ 33 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Csesar, accordingly, compelled as I have said to carry b. c. 46
on warfare even in winter did not try to attack Corduba
— it was strongly guarded — but turned his attention
to Ategua, a city in which he had learned that there was
an abundance of grain. Although it was strong, he
hoped by the size of his army and the sudden terror of
his appearance to alarm the inhabitants and capture it.
In a short time he had palisaded it off and dug a ditch
round about. Pompey, encouraged by the nature of
the country and thinking that Caesar because of the
winter would not besiege the place to any great extent,
paid no heed and did not try at first to repel the assail-
ants, since he was unwilling to injure his own soldiers
in the cold. Later on, when the town had been walled
off and Cffisar was in position before it, he grew afraid
and came with assistance. He fell in with the pickets
suddenly one misty night and killed a number of them.
The ungeneraled condition of the inhabitants he ameli-
orated by sending to them Munatius Flaccus. The lat- — 34 —
ter had contrived the following scheme to get inside.
He went alone by night to some of the guards as if ap-
pointed by Csesar to visit the sentries, asked and
learned the pass-word: — he was not known, of course,
and woidd never have been suspected by the separate
contingents of being anything but a friend when he
acted in this manner: — then he left these men and
went around to the other side of the circumvallation
where he met some other guards and gave them the
pass-word: after that he pretended that his mission
was to betray the city, and so went inside through the
389
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
.^' ^\t^s midst of the soldiers with their consent and actually
Jitt. u. 708) •'
under their escort. He could not, however, save the
place. In addition to other setbacks there was one oc-
casion when the citizens hurled fire upon the engines
and palisades of the Eomans, yet did no damage to
them worth mentioning; but they themselves by reason
of a violent wind which just then began to blow toward
them from the opposite side fared ill : for their build-
ings were set afire and many persons perished from the
stones and missiles, not being able to see any distance
ahead of them for the smoke. After this disaster, as
their land was contiaually ravaged, and every now and
then a portion of their wall would fall, imdermined,
they began to riot. Flaccus first conferred with Caesar
by herald on the basis of pardon for himself and follow-
ers : later he failed of this owing to his resolution not
to surrender his arms, but the rest of the natives subse-
quently sent ambassadors and submitted to the terms
imposed upon each.
_ 35 _ The capture of that city did not fail of its influence
upon the other peoples, but many themselves after
sending envoys espoused Caesar's cause, and many re-
ceived him on his approach or his lieutenants. Pom-
pey, in consequence, at a loss which way to turn, at first
made frequent changes of base, wandering about now
in one and now in another part of the country: later
on he became afraid that as a result of this very be-
havior the rest of his adherents would also leave him
in the lurch, and chose to hazard all, although Heaven
beforehand indicated his defeat very clearly. To be
390
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
sure, the drops of sweat that fell from sacred statues ^- ^-J^
, {a- «• 708)
and the confused noises of the legions, and the many
animals born which proved to be perversions of the
proper type, and the torches darting from sunrise to
the sunset region — (all these signs then met together
in Spain at one time) — gave no clear manifestation to
which of the two combatants they were revealing the
future. But the eagles of his legions shook their wings
and cast forth the golden thunderbolts which some of
them held in their talons : thus they would hurl disaster
directly at Pompey before flying off to Caesar. . . .
For a different force . . . Heaven, and he held it in
slight esteem, and so into war . . . settled down to
battle.*
Both had in addition to their citizen and mercenary — 36 —
troops many of the natives and many Moors. For
Bocchus^ had sent his sons to Pompey and Bogud in
person accompanied Caesar's force. Still, the contest
turned out to be like a struggle of the Eomans them-
selves, not of any other nations. Caesar's soldiers de-
lAt the close of this chapter there are undoubtedly certain gaps in
the MS., as Dindorf discerned. In the Tauchnitz stereotyped edition,
which usually insists upon wresting some sense from such passages
either by conjecture or by emendation, the following sentence appears:
" But Pompey made light of these supernatural effects, and the war
shrank to the compass of a battle." Boissevain (with a suggestion by
Kuiper) reads: olXX' Tjys yap t6 datfidvcov, ev re dXiyiupia aurd iTzonjaaTO
xat I? Tzohv MoovSav Ttpb<s /J-d)r7iv dij xariarrj. This would mean: " But
Heaven, which he had slighted, led his steps, and he took up his quar-
ters in a city called Munda preparatory to battle."
2Mommsen in his Roman History (third Grerman edition, p. 627,
note 1), remarks that Dio must have confused the son of Bocchus with
the son of Massinissa, Arabio, who certainly did align himself with the
Pompeian party ( Appian, Civil Wars, IV, 54 ) . All other evidence,
outside of this one passage, shows the two kings to have been steadfastly
loyal to Caesar, behavior which brought them tangible profit in the
shape of enlargement of their domains.
391
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 rived courage from their mimbers and experience and
above all from their leader's presence and so were
anxious to be done with the war and its attendant
miseries. Pompey's men were inferior in these re-
spects, but, strong through their despair of safety,
should they fail to conquer, continued zealous.^ Inas-
much as the majority of them had been captured with
Afranius and Varro, had been spared, and delivered
afterward to Longinus, from whom they had revolted,
they had no hope of safety if they were beaten, and as
a result of this were drawn toward desperation, feeling
that they needed to be of good cheer at that particular
time or else perish utterly. So the armies came to-
gether and began the battle. They had no longer any
dread of each other, since they had been so many times
opposed in arms, and for that reason required no urg-
— 87 — ing. In the course of the engagement the allied forces
on both sides quickly were routed and fled; but the main
bodies struggled in close combat to the utmost in their
resistance of each other. Not a man of them would
yield. They remained in position, wreaking slaughter
and being slain, as if each separate man was to be re-
sponsible to all the rest as well for the outcome of
victory or defeat. Consequently they were not con-
cerned to see how their allies were battling but set to
work as if they alone were engaged. Neither sound of
paean nor groan was to be heard from any one of them :
both sides limited their shouts to " Strike! Kill! ",
while their acts easily outran their speech. Caesar and
Pompey, who saw this from horseback on certain 6le-
1 1, e., they were in arms against Ceesar a second time. Compare
the note on chapter 12.
392
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. C. 46
(a. u. 708)
vated positions, felt little inclination to either hope or
despair, hut torn with douhts were equally distressed
by confidence and fear. The battle was so nearly bal-
anced that they suffered tortures at the sight, straining
to spy out some advantage, and quivering lest they des-
cry some setback. Their souls were filled with prayers
for success and against misfortune, and with alternat-
ing strength and fear. In fact, not being able to endure
it long, they leaped from their horses and joined the
combat. Apparently they preferred a participation in-
volving personal exertion and danger rather than ten-
sion of spirit, and each hoped by associating in the fight
to turn the scale somehow in favor of his own soldiers.
Or, if they failed of that, they were content to meet
death, side by side with them.
The generals, then, took part in the battle themselves. — 38 —
This movement, however, resulted in no advantage to
either army. On the contrary, — when the men saw
their chiefs shariag their danger, a far greater disre-
gard for their own death and eagerness for the destruc-
tion of their opponents seized both alike. Accordingly
neither side for the moment turned to flight : matched in
determination, they found their persons matched in
power. All would have perished, or else at nightfall
they would have parted with honors even, had not Bo-
gud, who was somewhere outside the press, made an ad-
vance upon Pompey's camp, whereupon Lahienus, see-
ing it, left his station to proceed against him. Pom-
pey's men, interpreting this as flight, lost heart. Later
they doubtless learned the truth but could no longer
retrieve their position. Some escaped to the city, some
to the fortification. The latter body vigorously fought
393
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
^- ^--15 off attacks and fell only when surrounded, while the
(o. It. 708) •'
former for a long time kept the wall safe, so that it was
not captured tUl all of them had perished in sallies. So
great was the total loss of Eomans on both sides that
the victors, at a loss how to wall in the city to prevent
any running away in the night, actually heaped up the
bodies of the dead around it.
»>89_ CsBsar, having thus conquered, took Corduba at once.
Sextus had retired from his path, and the natives, al-
though their slaves, who had purposely been made free,
offered resistance, came over to his side. He slew those
imder arms and obtained money by the sale of the rest.
The same course he adopted with those that held His-
palis, who at first, pretending to be willing, had ac-
cepted a garrison from him, but later massacred the
soldiers that had come there, and entered upon a course
of warfare. In his expedition against them his rather
careless conduct of the siege caused them some hope of
being able to escape. So then he allowed them to come
outside the wall, where he ambushed and destroyed
them, and in this way captured the town, which was
soon destitute of male defenders. Next he acquired
and levied money upon Munda and the other places,
some that were unwilling with great slaughter and
others of their own accord. He did not even spare the
offerings to Hercules, consecrated in Gades, and he de-
tached special precincts from some towns and laid an
added tribute upon others. This was his course toward
those who had opposed him ; but to those who displayed
any good-will toward him he granted lands and free-
394
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
dom from taxation, to some, moreover, citizenship, and , ^- ^-.l^,
to others the right to be considered Roman colonies ; he
did not, however, grant these favors for nothing.
While Caesar was thus occupied, Pompey, who had —40 —
escaped in the rout, reached the sea, intending to use
the fleet that lay at anchor in Carteia, but found that
it had espoused the victor's cause. He endeavored to
embark in a boat, expecting to obtain safety thereby.
In the course of the attempt, however, he was roughly
handled and in dejection came to land again, where,
taking some men that had assembled, he set out for
the interior. Pompey himself met defeat at the hands;
of Caesennius^ Lento, with whom he fell in: he took
refuge in a wood, and was there killed. Didius, ig-
norant of the event, whUe wandering about to join)
him met some other enemies and perished.
Csesar, too, would doubtless have chosen to fall —41 —
there, at the hands of those who were still resisting
and in the glory of war, in preference to the fate he
met not long after, to be cut down in his own land
and in the senate, at the hands of his best friends. For
this was the last war he carried through successfully,
and this the last victory that he won in spite of the
fact that there was no project so great that he did
not hope to accomplish it. In this belief he wasi
strengthened not only by other jeasons but most of
all because from a palm that stood on the site of the
battle a shoot grew out immediately after the victory.
iThis name is spelled Cwsonius in Florus's Epitome of Livy's Thir-
teenth Book (=Florus II, 13, 86) and also in Orosius's Narratives for
the Discomfiture of Pagans (VI, 16, 9), but appears with the same
form as here in Cicero's Philippics, XII, 9, 23.
395
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 And I will not assert that this had no bearing in some
{a. u. 708)
direction; it was, however, no longer for him, but
for his sister's grandson, Octavius: the latter made
the expedition with him, and was destined to shine
forth brightly from his toils and dangers. As Caesar
did not know this, hoping that many great additional
successes would fall to his own lot he acted in no
moderate fashion, but was filled with loftiness as if
— ^— immortal. Though it was no foreign nation he had
conquered, but a great mass of citizens that he had
destroyed, he not only personally directed the triumph,
incidentally regaling the entire populace again, as if
in honor of some common blessing, but also allowed
Quintus Fabius and Quiutus Pedius to hold a festival.*
Yet they had merely been his lieutenants and had
achieved no individual success. Naturally some laugh-
ter was caused by this, as well as by the fact that he
used wooden instead of ivory instruments, and repre-
sentations of certain actions, and other such triumphal
apparatus. Nevertheless, most brilliant triple fetes
and triple processions of the Eomans were held in
connection with those very things, and furthermore
a hallowed period of fifty days was observed. The
Parilia'' was honored by a perpetual horse-race, yet
1 The MS. has only " Fabius and Quintus." Mommsen supplies their
entire names from chapter 31 of this book.
2 This was originally a festival of Pales-Palatua, and information
regarding its introduction is intercepted by remote antiquity. In
historical times we find it celebrated as the commemoration of the
founding of Rome, because Pales-Palatua was a divinity closely con-
nected with the Palatine, where the city first stood. From Hadrian's
time on special brilliance attached to the occasion, and it was dignified
by the epithet "Roman" (Athenseus). As late as the fifth century
it was still known as " the birthday of the city of Rome." Both forms,
Parilia and PaUUa occur. ( Mentioned also in Book Forty-five, chapter 6. )
396
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
not at all because tlie city had been foimded on that ,^- ^-J^,
•' {a. u. 708)
day, but because the news of Caesar's victory had
arrived the day before, toward evening.
Such was his gift to Rome. For himself he wore —43 —
the triumphal garb, by decree, in all assemblages and
was adorned with the laurel crown always and every-
where alike. The excuse that he gave for it was that
his forehead was bald; and this had some show of
reason from the very fact that at the time, though
well past youth, he still bestowed attention on his ap-
pearance. He showed among all men his pride in rather
foppish clothing, and the footwear which he used later
on was sometimes high and of a reddish color, after
the style of the kings who had once lived in Alba, for
he assumed that he was related to them on account of
lulus. To Venus he was, in general, devoted body
and soul and he was anxious to persuade everybody
that he had received from her a kiad of bloom of
youth. Accordingly he used also to carry about a
carven image of her in full armor and he made her
name his watchword in almost all the greatest dangers.
The looseness of his girdle^ Sulla had looked askance
at, insomuch that he wished to kill him, and declared
to those who begged him off: " "Well, I will grant
him to you, but do you be on your guard, without faU,
against this ill-girt fellow." Cicero could not com-
prehend it, but even in the moment of defeat said:
" I should never have expected one so ill-girt to con-
quer Pompey."
1 Licentiousness and general laxity of morals.
397
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
— 44 — This I have written by way of digression from, my
B. C. 46 ^ ^ o
(a. «. 708) story, so that no one might be ignorant of the stones
about Caesar. — In honor of the victory the senate
passed all of those decrees that I have mentioned, and
further called him " liberator ", iuscribed it in the
records, and publicly voted for a temple of Liberty.
To him first and for the first time, they then applied,
as a term of special significance, the title " im-
perator, " ■ — not merely according to ancient custom
any longer, as others besides Caesar had often been
isaluted as a result of wars, nor even as those who
have received some independent command or other
authority were called, but, in short, it was this title
which is now granted to those who hold successively
the supreme power. And so great an excess of flat-
tery did they employ as even to vote that his children
and grandchildren should be so called, though he had
no child and was already an old man. From him this
title has come down to all subsequent imperatores,
as something peculiar to their office, even as in Caesar's
case. The ancient custom has not, however, been
thereby overthrown. Each of the two titles exists.
Consequently they are invested with it a second time,
when they gain some such victory as has been men-
tioned. Those who are imperatores in the limited
sense use the appellation once, as they do others, and
indeed before others : whatever rulers in addition ac-
complish in war any deed worthy of it acquire also
the name handed down by ancient custom, so that a
man is termed imperator a second and a third time,
398
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and oftener, as frequently as he can bestow it upon ,^'^'.j^^
himself.
These privileges they granted then to Caesar, as well
as a house, so that he might live in state-property,
and a special period of festival whenever any victory
took place and whenever there were sacrifices for it,
even if he had not been with the expedition nor in
general had any hand in the achievement.* Still, —45 —
those measures, even if they seemed to them immod-
erate and out of the usual order, were not, so far,
undemocratic. But they passed the following decrees
besides, by which they declared him sovereign out and
out. They offered him the magistracies, even those
belonging to the people, and elected him consul for
ten years, as they previously had dictator. They or-
dered that he alone should have soldiers, and alone
administer the public funds, so that no one else was
allowed to employ either of them, save whom he might
permit. And they commanded at that time that an
ivory statue of him, but later that a whole chariot
should be escorted at the horse-races along with the
likenesses of the gods. Another image they set up ini
the temple of Quirinus with the inscription: " to the
invincible god ' ', and another on the Capitol beside the
former kings of Eome. It occurs to me really to mar-
vel at the coincidence: there were eight such images
— seven to the kiugs, and an eighth to the Brutus that
overthrew the Tarquins — besides this one, when they
iThe last clause of this chapter as it appears in the MS. is evi-
dently corrupt. The reading adopted is that of Madvig, modified by
Helber.
399
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 46 set up the statue of Caesar ; and it was from this cause
(o. u. 708) ^ . -, .
chiefly that Marcus Brutus was stirred to conspire
against him,
— 46 — These were the measures that were ratified because
of victory, — I am not mentioning all, but as many as
have seemed to me notable, — not on one day, but just
as it happened, one at one time, another at another.
Some of them Caesar began to render operative, and
of others he intended to make use in the future, no
matter how much he put aside some of them. Now
the oflSce of consul he took up immediately, even be-
fore entering the city, but did not hold it continuously.
B. c. 45 When he got to Rome he renounced it, delivering it
(a. u. 709)
to Quintus Fabius and Gains Trebonius. When
Fabius on the last day of his consulship died, he
straightway chose instead of him another. Gains Ca-
ninius Eebilus for the remaining hours. Then for the
first time, contrary to precedent, it became possible
for the same man to hold that office neither annually,
nor for all the time left in the same year, but while
living to withdraw from it without compulsion from
either ancestral custom or any accusation, and for
another one to take his place. In the second place
the circumstances were unique, because Caninius at
once was appointed consul, and ceased to serve. On
this, Cicero jestingly said that the consul had dis-
played so great bravery and prudence in office, as
never to fall asleep in it for the briefest moment. So
from that period on the same persons no longer (save
a few in olden times), served as consul through the
entire year, but just as it happened, — some for more
time, some for less, some for months, others for days,
400
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
— since now no one serves with any one else, as a rule, , ^- ^- f-\,
•' ' ' {a. u. 709)
for a whole year or for a longer period than two
months. In general we do not differ from our ances-
tors, but the naming of the years for purposes of
enumeration falls to those who are consuls at the start.
Accordingly I shall in most cases name those officials
closely connected with events, but to secure perfect
clearness with regard to what is done from time to
time I shall mention also those first to serve, even if
they make no contribution to the undertakings in
question.
"Whereas the consuls were thus disposed of, the re- —47 —
maining magistrates were nomiually elected by the
plebs and by the populace, in accord with ancient
customs (for Coesar would not accept the appointment
of them), but really by him, and without the casting
of lots they were sent out among the provinces. As
for number, all were the same as before, eixcept that
thirteen praetors and forty quaestors were appointed.
For, since he had made many promises to many peo^
pie, he had no other way to redeem them, and that
accounts for his actions. Furthermore he enrolled
a vast number in the senate, making no distinction,
whether & mam were a soldier, or a child of one en-
slaved, so that the sum of them grew tO' nine hundred :
and he enrolled many among the patricians and among
the ex-consuls or such as had held some office. When
some were tried for bribery and convicted he released!
them, so that he was charged with bribe-taking him-
self. This report was strengthened by the fact that
VOL. 2.-26 401
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 45 he also exposed^ in tlie market all the public lands,
(a. u. 709)
not only the profane, but also the consecrated lots,
and auctioned off the majority of them. Neverthe-
less to some persons he granted ample gifts in the
form of money or the sal© of lands ; and to a certain
Lucius Basilus^ he allowed no rulership of a province,
though the latter was praetor, but bestowed a large
amount of money in place of it, so that Basilus be-
came notorious both in this matter and because when
insulted in the course of his prsetorship by Caesar he
stood his ground.*
All this suited those citizens who were making or ex-
pecting to make corrupt gain, since they reverenced no
element of the public weal in comparison with bettering^
themselves by such acts. But all the rest took it
greatly to heart, and had much to say about it to in-
timates and also (as many as felt safe in so doing)
in outspoken public conversation and the publica-
tion of anonymous pamphlets.
— 48— Not only were those measures carried out that year,
but two of the aediles took charge of the municipal gov-
ernment, since no quaestor had been elected. For just
as once formerly, so now in the absence of Caesar, the
aediles managed all the city affairs, in conjunction with!
Lepidus as master of the horse. Although they were
censured for employing lictors and magisterial garb
and chair precisely like the master of the horse, they
got off by citing a certain law, which allowed all those
1 Verb supplied (to fill MS. gap) by R. Stephanus and Leunclavius.
2 L. Minuoius Basilus.
3 Reading, with 'BoisaevB,in,dvTexapTipTic7s.
402
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
receaving any office from a dictator to make use of b. c. 45
{a. u. 709)
such, things. Th.e business of administration, clianged
from that time for the reasons I have mentioned, was
no longer invariably laid upon the quaestors, but was
finally assigned to ex-praetors. Two of the aediles
managed at that time the public treasures, and one
of them, by provision of Caesar, superintended the
Ludi ApoUinares. The aediles of the populace directed
the Megalesia, by decree. A certain prefect, appointed
during the Feriae, himself chose a successor on the
last day, and the latter another : this had never hap-
pened before, nor did it happen again.
The next year after these events during which Caesar — 49 —
B. c. 44
was at once dictator for the fifth time, taking Lepidus (». «. 710)
as master of the horse, and consul for the fifth time,
choosing Antony as colleague, sixteen praetors were
in power — this custom indeed has remained^ for many
years — and the rostra, which was formerly in the
center of the Forum, was moved back to its present
position : also the images of Sulla and of Pompey were
restored to it. For this Caesar received praise, and
again because he put upon Antony both the glory of
the deed and credit for the inscription on the image.
Being anxious to build a theatre, as Pompey had done,
he laid the first foundations, but did not finish it.
Augustus later completed it and named it for his
nephew, Marcus Marcellus. But Caesar was blamed
for tearing down the dwellings and temples on the
site, and likewise because he burned up the statues, —
1 A gap in the MS. — Verb conjectured by Bekker on the analogy of
a passage in chapter 53.
403
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^- ^- 1* all of "Wood, save a few, — and because on finding con-
la. «. 710) .
siderable treasures of money lie appropriated them all.
— 50— In addition, he introduced laws and extended the
pomerium, his behavior in these and other matters
resembling that of Sulla. Caesar, however, removed
the ban from the survivors of those that had warred
against him, granting them immunity with fair and
equal terms; he promoted them to office; to the wives
of the slain he restored their dowries, and to their
children granted a share in the property, thus putting
mightily to shame Sulla's blood-guiltiness; so that
he himself enjoyed a great repute not alone for brav-
ery, but also for uprightness, though it is generally
difficult for the same man to be eminent in peace as
well as in war. This was a source of pride to him, as
was the fact that he had raised again Carthage
and Corinth. To be sure, there were many other cities
in and outside of Italy, some of which he had buUt
afresh, and some which he had newly founded. Oth-
ers, however, had done that: it remained for him to
restore, in memory of their former inhabitants, Cor-
inth and Carthage, ancient, brUliant, conspicuous,
ruined cities: one of them he declared a Roman col-
ony, and colonized, and the other he honored with its
ancient titles, bearing no grudge for the enmity of
their peoples toward places that had never harmed
them.
And they, even as they had once been demolished
— 61 — together, now revived together and bade fair to flour-
ish once again. But while CsBsar was so engaged, a
longing came over all the Romans alike to avenge
Crassus and those that perished with him: there was
404
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
some hope then, if ever, of subjugating the Parthians. ,^'^'^iq^
The command of the war they unanimously voted to
Caesar, and made ample provision for it. They ar-
ranged, among other details, that he should have a
larger number of assistants, and that the city should
neither be without officials ini his absence, nor by at-
tempting to choose some on its own responsibility
fall into factions: also that such magistrates should
be appointed in advance for three years (this was the
length of time they thought necessary for the cam-
paign). However, they did not designate them all
beforehand. Nominally Caesar was to choose half of
them, having a certain legal right to do this, but really
he chose the whole number. For the first year, as
previously, forty quaestors were elected, and then for
the first time two patrician aediles and four from the
people. Of the latter two have their title from Ceres,
— a custom which, then introduced, has remained to
the present day. Pnetors were nominated to the num-
ber of eleven. It is not on this, however, that I desire
to lay emphasis (for they had formerly been as many),
but on the fact that among them was chosen Publius
Ventidius. He was originally from Picenum, as has
been remarked, and fought against Rome when her
allies were alienated. He was captured by Pompeius
Strabo,^ and in the latter 's triumph marched in chains.
Later he was released; some time after he was en-
rolled in the senate, and was now appointed praetor
by Caesar; by degrees he advanced to such prominence
as to conquer the Parthians and hold a triumph over
them.
1 The father of Pompey the Great.
405
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 ^1 those who were to hold office the first year after
(a. «. 710) •■ - ,
that were appointed m advancej but for the second
year the consuls and tribunes only: and no one got
any closer than this to being nominated for the third
year. Caesar himself intended to be dictator both
years, and designated Octavius in advance as master of
the horse for the second, though he was at that time
a mere lad. For the time being, while this was going
on, CaBsar appointed Dolabella consul in his own stead,
leaving Antony to finish the year out in office. To
Lepidus he assigned Gallia Narbonensis with the ad-
joining portions of Spain, and made two men masters
of horse in their place, each separately. Owing, as
he did, favors to many persons he repaid them by
such appointments as these and by priesthoods, add-
ing one to the " Quindecimviri ", and three others to
the " Septemviri," as they were called.
406
DIO'S
ROMAN HISTORY
44
407
The following is contained in the Forty-fourth of Dio'a Rome.
About the decrees passed in honor of Cs8sar (chapters 1-
11).
About the conspiracy formed against him (chapters
12-18).
How Caesar was murdered (chapters 19-22).
How a decree was passed tbat the people should not bear
malice against one another (chapters 23-34).
About the burial of Csesar and the oration delivered over
bim (chapters 35-53).
Duration of time, to the end of the 5th dictatorship of Julius Csesar,
held in company with iBmilius Lepidus as Master of the Horse, and to
the end of his 6th consulship, shared with Marcus Antonius. (B. C.
44 = a. u. 710).
408
(BOOK M, BOISSEVAIN.)
This CsBsar did as a preliminary step to makiug a — i —
campaign against the Parthians, but a baleful frenzy (a. «. 710)
which fell upon certain men through jealousy of his
onward progress and hatred of his being esteemed
above others caused the death of the leader by im-
lawful means, while it added a new name to the annals
of infamy; it scattered decrees to the winds and
brought upon the Eomans seditions again and civil
wars after a state of harmony. They declared that
they had proved themselves both destroyers of Caesar
and liberators of the people, but in fact their plot
against him was one of fiendish malice, and they threw
the city into disorder when at last it possessed a stable
government. Democracy has a fair appearing name — 2 —
which conveys the impression of bringing equal rights
to all from equal laws, but its results are seen not to
agree at all with its title. Monarchy, on the contrary,
strikes the ear unpleasantly, but is a very excellent
government to live under. It is easier to find one single
excellent man than many, and if even this seems to
some a difficult feat, it is quite inevitable that the
other proposition be acknowledged to be impossible;
for the acquirement of virtue is not a characteristic
of the majority of men. And again, even though one
reprobate should obtain supreme power, yet he is
preferable to a multitude of such persons, as the his-
tory of the Greeks and barbarians and of the Eomansi
themselves proves. For successes have always been
409
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^' ^' tf^s greater and more in number in the case both of cities
(o. M. 710) °
' and of individuals under Mngs than under popular
rule, and disasters do not happen so easily in mon-
archies as in ochlocracies. In cases where a democracy
has flourished anywhere, it has nevertheless reached
its prime during a short period when the people had
neither size nor strength that abuses should spring
up among them from good fortune or jealousies from
ambition. For a city so large as this, ruling the finest
and the greatest part of the known world, containing
men of many and diverse natures, holding many huge
fortunes, occupied with every imaginable pursuit, en-
joying every imaginable fortune, both individually and
collectively, — for such a city to practice moderation
imder a democracy is impossible, and still more is it
impossible for the people, xmless moderation prevails,
to be harmonious. If Marcus Brutus and Gaius Cas-
sius had stopped to think this over they would never
have killed the city's head and protector nor have
made themselves the cause of countless ills both to
their own persons and to all the rest of mankind then
existing.
— 3— It happened as follows, and his death was due to
the cause I shall presently describe. He had not
aroused dislike without any definite justification, ex-
cept in so far as it was the senators themselves who
had by the novelty and excess of their honors sent
his mmd soaring; and then, after filling him with
conceit, they found fault with his prerogatives and
spread injurious reports to the effect that he was glad
to accept them and behaved more haughtily as a re-
sult of them. It is true that sometimes Caesar erred
410
-4 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
by accepting some of the honors voted him and beJiev- b. c. 44
(a. M. 710)
ing that he really deserved them, yet most hlame-
worthy are those who, after beginning to reward him
as he deserved, led him on and made hitn liable to
censure by the measures that they voted. He neither
dared to thrust them all aside, for fear of being
thought contemptuous, nor could he be safe when he
accepted them. Excess in honors and praises renders
conceited even the most modest, especially if such re-
wards appear to have been given with sincerity. The
privileges that were granted hina (in addition to all
those mentioned) were of the following number and
kinds. They will be stated all together, even if they
were not all moved or ratified at one time. First, then,
they voted that he should always appear even in the
city itself wearing the triumphal garb and should sit
in his chair of state everywhere except at festivals.
At that time he got the right to be seen on the trib-
ime's benches and in company with those who were
successively tribunes. And they gave him the right
to offer the so-called spolia opima at the temple of
Jupiter Feretrius, as if he had slain some hostile gen-
eral with his own hand, and to have lictors that al-
ways carried laurel, and after the Feriae Latinae to
ride from Albanum to the city mounted on a charger.
In addition to these remarkable privileges they named
him father of his country, stamped his image on the
coinage, voted to celebrate his birthday by public sac-
rifice, ordered that there be some statue of him in the
cities and all the temples of Rome, and they set on
the rostra two, one representing him as the savior
of the citizens and the other as the rescuer of the city
411
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
s- ^•^^.. from siege, along with the crowns customary for such
achievements. They also passed a resolution to build
a temple of Concordia Nova, on the ground that
through his efforts they enjoyed peace, and to cele-
— 5 — brate an annual festival in her honor. When he had
accepted these, they assigned to him the charge of
filling the Pontiae marshes, cutting a oanal through
the Peloponnesian isthmus, and constructing a new
senate-house, since that of Hostilius although repaired
had been demolished. The reason given for that action
was that a temple of G-ood Fortune might be built there,
which Lepidus, indeed, while master of the horse had
completed: but the real intention was that the name
of Sulla should not be preserved in it and that an-
other senate-house, newly constructed, might be named
the Julian, just as they had called the month in which
he was bom July, and one of the tribes (selected by
lot) the Julian. And CsBsar himself, they voted,
should be sole censor for life and enjoy the immunities
bestowed upon the tribimes, so that if any one should
outrage him by deed or word, that man should be an
outlaw and involved in the curse, and further that his
son, should he beget or adopt one, was to be appointed
— 6 — high priest. As he seemed to like this, a gilded chair
was granted him, and a garb that once the kings had
used and a body-guard of knights and senators : fur-
thermore they decided that prayers should be made
for him publicly every year, that they would swear
by his Fortune and that all the deeds he was yet to
do should receive confirmation. Next they bestowed
upon him a quinquennial festival, as to a hero, and
managers of sacred rites for the festival of naked boys
412
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
ia Pan's honor,^ constituting a third priestly college ,^'^'^iq-.
which they called the Julian, and on the occasion of
all combats in armor one special day of his own each
time both in Eome and the rest of Italy. When he
showed himself pleased at this, too, then they voted
that his gilded chair and crown set with precious gems
and overlaid with gold should be carried into the
theatre on an equal footing with those of the gods,
and that on the occasion of the horse-races his chariot
should be brought in. And finally they addressed
him outright as Julian Jupiter and ordered a temple
to be consecrated to him and to his Clemency, electing
Antony as their priest like some Dialis.
At the same time with these measures they passed — 7 —
another which well indicated their disposition. It gave
him the right to place his tomb within the pomerium ;
and the decrees regarding this matter they inscribed
with gold letters on silver tablets and deposited beneath
the feet of the Capitoline Jupiter, thus pointing out to
hitn very clearly that he was a man. When they began
to honor him it was with the idea that he would be rea-
sonably modest; but as they went on and saw that he
was delighted at what they voted, — he accepted all but
a very few of their gifts, — various men kept at differ-
ent times proposing various greater marks of esteem,
all in excess, some as an act of extreme flattery toward
him, and others as one of sarcastic ridicule. Actually
some dared to suggest permitting him to have inter-
1 In other words, the Lupercalia. The two other colleges of Luper-
cales to which allusion is made were known as the Quintilian and the
I'abian.
413
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
, ^' *-'■ iL. course with as many women^ as he liked, because even
{a. u. 710)
at this time, though fifty years old, he still had nmner-
ous mistresses. Others, and the majority, followed the
course mentioned because they wished to make him en-
vied and disliked as quickly as possible, that he might
the sooner perish. Of course precisely that happened,
though Caesar took courage on account of these very
measures to believe that he would never be plotted
against by the men who had voted him such honors, nor
by any one else, because they would prevent it ; and in
consequence from this time he dispensed with a body-
gniard. Nominally he accepted the privilege of being
watched over by the senators and knights and thus did
— 8— away with his previous guardians. Once on a single
day they had passed in his honor an imusually large
number of decrees of especially important character,
that had been voted unanimously by all the rest except
Cassius and a few others, who became notorious for
this action: yet they suffered no harm, a fact which
conspicuously displayed their ruler's clemency. So,
then, they approached him as he was sitting in the fore-
part of the temple of Venus with the intention of an-
nouncing to him in a body their decisions ; — such
business they transacted in his absence, in order to
have the appearance of doing it not under compulsion
but voluntarily. And either by some Heaven-sent fa-
tuity or through excess of joy he received them sitting,
an act which aroused so great indignation among them
all, not only senators but all the rest^ that it afforded
1 Compare Suetonius (Life of Caesar), chapter 52.
414
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Ms slayers one of their cMef excuses for their plot b. c. a
. ^ (o. u. 710)
against hun. Some who subsequently tried to defend
him said that owing to diarrhoea he could not control
the movement of his bowels and had remained where
he was in order to avoid a flux.
They were not able, however, to persuade the ma-
jority, since not long after this he arose and walked
home without assistance; hence most men suspected
him of being inflated with pride and hated him for his
supercilious behavior, when it was they themselves who
had made him disdainful by the extreme nature of their
honors. After this occurrence suspicion was increased
by the fact that somewhat later he submitted to being
made dictator for life.
"When he had reached this point, the conduct of the _q_
men plotting against him became no longer doubtful,
and in order to embitter even his best friends against
him they did their best to traduce the man and finally
called him " king," — a name which was often heard
in their consultations. When he refused the title and
rebuked in a way those that so saluted him, yet did
nothing by which he could be thought to be really dis-
pleased at it, they secretly adorned his statue, which
stood on the rostra, with a diadem. And when Gains
Epidius Marullus and Lucius Caesetius Flavus, trib-
unes, took it down, he became thoroughly angry, al-
though they uttered no insulting word and furthermore
spoke well of him before the people as not desiring any-
thing of the sort. At this time, though vexed, he re- _io—
mained quiet; subsequently, however, when he was rid-
ing in from Albanum, some men again called him king,
415
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 and he said that his name was not king but Caesar : then
when those tribunes brought suit against the first man
that termed him king, he no longer restrained his wrath
but showed evident irritation, as if these officials were
actually aiming at the stability of his government. For
the moment he took no revenge upon them : later, when
they issued public notice to the effect that they found
themselves not at liberty to speak freely and without
molestation for the public good, he appeared exceed-
ingly angry and brought them into the senate-house,
where he accused them and put their conduct to the
vote. He did not put them to death, though some de-
clared them worthy of that penalty, but first having re-
moved them from the tribuneship through the motion
of Helvius Cinna, their colleague, he erased their names
from the senate. Some were pleased at this, or pre-
tended to be, on the ground that they would have no
need to incur danger by free speech, and keeping out
of politics they viewed events as from a watch tower.
Caesar, however, received an ill name from this fact,
too, that whereas he should have hated those that ap-
plied to him the name of king, he let them go and found
fault instead with the tribunes.
— 11— Something else that happened not long after these
events proved still more clearly that while pretendedly
he shunned the title, in reality he desired to assume it.
When he had entered the Forum at the festival of the
Lupercalia, at which naked boys competed, and was sit-
ting on the rostra in his golden chair adorned with the
royal apparel and conspicuous by his crown wrought of
gold, Antony with his fellow priests saluted him as king
416
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and surrounding Ms brows with a diadem said : ' ' The , ^- ^- ^* ,
° (a. u. 710)
people gives this to you through my hands." He an-
swered that Jupiter alone was king of the Eomans and
sent the diadem to him to the Capitol, yet he was not
angry and caused it to be inscribed in the records that
the royalty presented to him by the people through
the consul he had refused to receive. It was accord-
ingly suspected that this had been done by some pre-
arranged plan and that he was anxious for the nam©
but wished to be somehow compelled to take it, and the
consequent hatred against him was intense. After this
certain men at the elections proposed those tribunes
previously mentioned for the office of consul, and ap-
proaching Marcus Brutus and such other persons as
were of high spirit attempted privately to persuade
them and incited them to action publicly. They scat- — la —
tered broadcast many letters (taking the fullest ad-
vantage of his having the same name as the great
Brutus who overthrew the Tarquins), declaring that he
was not truly that man's descendant : for he had put to
death both his sons, the only ones he had, when they
were mere lads, and was left no offspring surviving.
This attitude was, however, a mere ruse on the part of
the majority, adopted in order that being in family akin
to that famous man he might be induced to undertake
similar deeds. They kept continually invoking him,
crying out ' ' Brutus, Brutus ! ' ', and adding further :
" We need a Brutus." Finally on the statue of the
early Brutus they wrote " Would that thou wert liv-
ing," and upon their contemporary's platform (he was
VOL. 2.-27 417
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
,^c*4 praetor at the time) "Brutus, thou sleepest," and
" Thou art not Brutus."
— 13— These incidents persuaded him, especially as he had
displayed hostility to Caesar from the start, to attack
the leader, who had nevertheless shown himself later
his benefactor. He was also influenced by the fact that
he was, as I stated, both nephew and son-in-law of Cato
of Utica so-called. And his wife Portia was the only
woman, as they say, who had knowledge of the plot.
She encountered him in the midst of his meditation
upon these very matters and enquired in what he was
so absorbed. When he made no answer, she susi>ected
that she was distrusted on account of physical weak-
ness, for fear she should reveal something even unwill-
ingly under torture; hence she performed a noteworthy
deed. She secretly inflicted a deep wound in her thigh
to test herself and see if she could endure painful
treatment. And when she found herself not overdis-
tressed, she despised the wound, and came to him and
said : ' ' You, my husband, though you trusted that my
spirit would not utter a secret, nevertheless were dis-
trustful of my body, and you acted in accordance with
human reason. But I have found that I can make even
it keep silence." Having said this she disclosed her
thigh and after making known the reason for what she
had done, said : " Tell me boldly now all that you are
concealing, for to make me speak fire, lashes, and goads
shall alike be powerless. I was not bom that kind of
woman. Therefore if you shall still distrust me, it is
better for me to die than live. If such be the case,
418
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
let no one think me longer the daughter of Cato or your ^•^- ^*
wife." Hearing this Brutus marveled; and he no
longer hid anything from her hut felt strengthened
himself and related to her the whole story. After this
he obtained as an associate also Gains Cassius, who had
himself been preserved by Caesar and moreover hon-
ored with a praetorship ; he was the husband of Brutus 's
sister. Next they proceeded to gather those who were
of the same mind as themselves, and these proved to be
not few in number. There is no need of my giving a
list of most of the names, for I might thus become
wearisome, but I cannot omit Trebonius and Decimus
Brutus, whom they also named Junius and Albinus.
For these joined in the plot against Caesar though they
also had been greatly benefited by him, — Decimus hav-
ing been appointed consul for the second year and as-
signed to Hither Gaul.
They came very near being detected by reason of the — IB —
nmnber of those concerned and by their delay. Caesar,
however, would not receive any information about such
an undertaking and punished very severely those who
brought any news of the kind. Still, they stood in awe
of him and put the matter off, fearing that although
he had no guard they might be killed by the persons
surrounding him at various times; and thus they ran
the risk of being discovered and perishing. Indeed,
they would have suffered this fate, had they not been
forced even agaiust their will to hasten the plot. A
report went abroad, true or false after the manner of
reports, that the so-called fifteen priests were declaring
419
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
/ ^' ^'nL^ that the Sibyl had said the Parthians should never be
{a. u, 710) ■'
captured in any other way than by a king, and the
people were consequently preparing to propose that
this title be granted to Caesar. The conspirators be-
lieved this to be true, and because a vote would be de-
manded of the oflficials, among whom were Bnitus and
Cassius, owing to the seriousness of the measure, they
felt that they neither dared to oppose it nor could sub-
mit to keep silent, and so hurried on the consummation
of the plot before any business connected with the
measure could come up.
— 16 — It had been decided by them to make the attempt in
the senate, for they thought that there Cassar would
least expect to be harmed in any way and would so fall
an easier victim, while they would possess opportunity
coupled with security by having their swords instead of
documents brought in iu boxes, and that the rest being
unarmed would be unable to make any resistance. In
case any one should be so rash, they expected at least
that the gladiators, many of whom they had previously
stationed ia Pompey's Theatre under the pretext that
they were to practice with arms, would assist them.
These were to lie in wait there in a certain room of the
peristyle. The conspirators, when the appointed day
had come, gathered in the senate-hall at dawn and
— 17— called for Caesar. As for him, he was warned of the
plot in advance by the soothsayers, and was warned
also by dreams. The night before he was slaia his wife
had a vision of their house fallen in ruins, her husband
wounded by some men and taking refuge in her bosom,
420
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and of Caesar being raised aloft upon the clouds and B. c. 44
^ . {a. u. 710)
grasging the hand of Jupiter. Moreover omens not few
nor indistinct crossed his path. The arms of Mars, at
that time deposited at his house by virtue of his posi-
tion as high priest and by ancestral custom, made a
great noise at night, and the doors of the chamber
where he slept opened of their own accord. The sacri-
fices which he offered because of these occurrences in-
dicated nothing favorable and the birds with which he
practiced divination forbade him to leave the house.
After his assassination, finally, some recalled a weighty
incident in connection with his gilded chair, — that the
servant, as Caesar was slow in coming, carried it out of
the senate, thinking that he would have no further need
of it.
Caesar for this reason was so long in coming that the — 18 —
conspirators feared there might be a postponement (a
rumor circulated, indeed, that he would remain at home
that day), and their plot thus fall through and they
themselves be detected. Therefore they sent Decimus
Brutus, as one appearing to be a devoted friend, to
secure his attendance. This man made light of Caesar's
scruples and by adding that the senate was extremely
anxious to behold him, persuaded him to go forward.
At this an image of his which he kept set up in the
vestibule fell of its own accord and was shattered to
pieces. He ought then to have changed his purpose, but
instead he paid no attention to this and would not listen
to some one who was giving him information of the
plot. He received from him a little roll iu which all the
421
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 preparations made for the attack liad been accurately
{a, u. 710) ^ ^ . '
inscribed, but did not read it, thinking that it was some
other not very pressing matter. In brief, he was so
confident that to the soothsayer who had warned him
to beware of that day he said jokingly: " Where are
your prophecies? Don't you see that the day over
which you were all of a tremble is here and I am
alive? " And the other, they say, answered only this:
" Yes, it is here, but not yet gone."
— 19— Now when he finally reached the senate Trebonius
delayed Antony somewhere at a distance outside. They
had planned to kill both him and Lepidus. But fearing
that they might be ill spoken of as a result of the
number of those destroyed, and that it might be said
that they had slain Caesar to gain power and not to free
the city, as they pretended, they did not wish Antony
even to be present at his slaughter. As for Lepidus,
he had set out on a campaign and was in the suburbs.
Antony was held by Trebonius in conversation. Mean-
while the rest in a body surrounded Caesar (he was as
easy of access and ready to be addressed as any one
could have wished) , and some talked among themselves,
while others presented petitions to him, so that sus-
picion might be as far from his mmd as possible. When
the right moment came, one of them approached him as
if to express his thanks for some favor or other and
pulled his cloak from his shoulder ; for this, according
to the agreement, served to the conspirators as a signal
raised. Thereupon they attacked him from many sides
at once and wounded him to death, so that by reason of
422
DTO'S ROMAN HISTORY
their numbers Caesar was unable to say or do anything, b. c. 44
(a. u. 710)
but veiling his face was slain with many wounds. This
is the truest account. In times past some have made a
declaration like this, that to Brutus who struck him
severely he said: " Thou, too, my child? "
A great outcry naturally arose from all the rest who —20—
were inside and who were standing nearby outside at
the suddenness of the event and because they were not
acquainted with the slayers, their numbers, or their in-
tention ; and all were thrown into confusion, believing
themselves in danger; so they themselves started in
flight by whatever way each man could, and they
alarmed those who met them by saying nothing definite,
but merely shouting out these words : ' * Eun, bolt
doors ! Eun, bolt doors ! ' ' The rest, taking it up from
one another as each one echoed the cries, filled the city
with lamentations, and they burst into shops and houses
to hide themselves. Yet the assassins hurried just as
they were to the Forum, indicating both by their ges-
tures and their shouts not to be afraid. At the same
time that they said this they called continuously for
Cicero : but the crowd did not believe that they were
sincere, and was not easily calmed. Late in the day at
last they gradually began to take courage and became
quiet, as no one was killed or arrested. When they met — 2i_
in the assembly the assassins had much to say against
Caesar and much in favor of the democracy, and they
bade the people take courage and not expect any harm.
They had killed him, they declared, not to secure power
or any other advantage, but in order that they might be
423
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B-C.44 free and independent and be governed rightly: By-
speaking such words they calmed the majority, espe-
cially since they injured no one. Fearing for all that
that somebody might concert measures against them the
conspirators ascended the Capitoline with the avowed
intention of offering prayer to the gods, and there they
spent the day and night. And at evening they were
joined by some of the other prominent men who had not
shared in the plot, but were anxious, when they saw the
perpetrators praised, to secure the glory of it, as well
as the prizes which those concerned expected. With
great justice the affair happened to turn out the op-
posite way : they did not secure any reputation for the
deed because they had not been partakers of it in any
way, but they shared the danger which fell upon the
ones who committed it just as much as if they them-
selves had been the plotters.
— 22— Seeing this, Dolabella likewise did not see fit to keep
quiet, but entered upon the consular office though it
did not yet belong to him, and after a short speech to
the people on the situation ascended the Capitol. "While
affairs were in this condition Lepidus, learning what
had taken place, by night occupied the Forum with his
soldiers and at dawn delivered a speech against the
assassins, Antony immediately after Caesar's death
had fled, casting away his robe of office in order to es-
cape notice, and had concealed himself through the
night. When, however, he ascertamed that the assas-
sins were on the Capitol and Lepidus in the Forum, he
assembled the senate in the precinct of Tellus and
brought forward the business of the hour for delibera-
tion. Some said one thing, some another, as each of
424
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
them thought about it : Cicero, whose advice they f ol- b. c. a
(a. u. 710)
lowed, spoke to this effect : —
" On every occasion I think no one ought to say —33 —
anything merely for the sake of winning favor or to
show his spite, but to reveal just what the man in each
case thinks to be the best. We demand that those who
are praetors or consuls shall do everything from up-
right motives, and if they make any errors we demand
an account from them even if their slip was accidental ;
and it will be unbearable if in debates, where we are
complete masters of our own opinion, we shall abandon
the common welfare with a view to private advantage.
For this reason, Conscript Fathers, I have always
thought that I ought to advise you on all matters
with simplicity and justice, but especially under the
present circumstances, when, if without being over-
captious we come to an agreement, we shall be pre-
served ourselves and enable all the rest to survive, but
if we wish to examine everything minutely, I fear Ul
fortune — but at the very opening of my address I
do not wish to say anything displeasing. Formerly, —24 —
not very long ago, those who had arms usually also
got control of the government and consequently issued
orders to you as to the subjects on which you must
deliberate, but you could not look forward and see
what it was proper for them to do. But now practi-
cally all conditions are so favorably placed that the
matter is in your hands and the responsibility rests
upon you; and from your own selves you may obtam
either concord and with it liberty, or seditions and
civil wars again and a master at the close of them.
425
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 Whatever you decide to-day all the rest "will follow.
(o. M. 710) . "' "'
This being the state of the case as I see it, I declare
that you ought to abandon your mutual enmities or
jealousies or whatever name should be applied to them,
and return to that ancient condition of peace and
friendship and harmony. For you should remember
this, if nothing else, that so long as we enjoyed that
kind of government, we acquired lands, fortunes, glory
and allies, but ever since we were led into abusing one
another, so far from growing better we have become
decidedly worse off. I am so firmly convinced that
nothing else at present could save the city that if we
do not to-day, at once, with all possible speed, adopt
some policy, we shall never be able to regain our
position.
—85— " Notice carefully that I am speaking only the truth,
of which you may convince yourselves if you regard
present conditions and then consider our position in
old times. Do you not see what is taking place, — that
the populace is again being divided and torn asunder
and that, some choosing this side, and some that, they
have already fallen into two parties and two camps,
that the one side has taken timely possession of the
Capitol as if they feared the Gauls or somebody, and
the other side with headquarters in the Forum is pre-
paring to besiege them and so behaving like Cartha-
ginians, and not as though they too were Romans?
Do you not hear that though formerly citizens often
differed, even to the extent of occupying the Aventine
once, and the Capitol, and some of them the Sacred
426
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
Mount, as often as they were reconciled one with, an- , ^■^■^f^,
' •' (a. «. 710)
other on equal terms (or by yielding but a small point)
they at once stopped hating one another, to live the
rest of their lives in such peace and harmony that
in common they carried through successfully many
great wars? As often, on the other hand, as they had
recourse to murders and assassinations, the one side
deceived by the justification of defending themselves
against the encroachments of the other, and the other
side by an ambition to appear to be inferior to none,
no good ever came of it. Why need I waste time by
repeating to you, who know them equally well, the
names of Valerius, Horatius, Satuminus, Glaucia,
the Gracchi? With such examples before you, not of
foreign origin but native to this land, do not hesitate
to strive after the right course and guard against the
wrong. Having from the events of history received
a proof of the outcome of the situation on which you
are deliberating, regard my exhortation no longer as
mere words but believe that the welfare of the com-
munity is at stake this instant. Do not for any doubt-
ful theory cast away the certainty of hope, but trusting
to a reliable pledge secure in advance a sure result for
your calculations.
" It is in your power, if you receive this evidence that — ae —
1 mentioned from your own laud and your own an-
cestors, to decide rightly. And this is why I did not
wish to cite instances from abroad, though I might
have mentioned countless of them. One instance, nev-
ertheless, I will offer from the best and most ancient
427
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 city from which our fathers did not disdain to intro-
duce certain laws; for it would be a disgrace for us,
who so far surpass the Athenians in strength and
sense, to deliberate less well than they. They were
once — of course you all know this — at variance, and
as a result were overcome in war by the Lacedaemoni-
ans and endured a tyranny of the more powerful citi-
zens ; and they did not obtain a respite from evils until
they made a compact and agreement to forget their
past injuries, though many and severe, and never to
allow a single reproach because of them or to bear
malice against any one. Now when they had attained
such a degree of wisdom, they not only ceased endur-
ing tyrannies and seditions, but flourished in every
way, regaining their city, laying claim to the sover-
eignty of the Greeks, and finally becoming powerful
enough to decide frequently on the preservation or
destruction both of the Lacedaemonians themselves
and of the Thebans. Now notice, that if those men
who seized Phyle and came home from the Peiraeus
had chosen to take vengeance on the city party for
wrongs suffered, they would, to be sure, have seemed
to have performed a justifiable action, but they would
have undergone, as well as have caused, many evils.
Just as they exceeded their hopes by defeating their
foes, they might perhaps themselves have been in turn
_27_ unexpectedly worsted. In such matters there is noth-
ing sure, and one does not necessarily gain the mastery
as a result of being strong, but vast numbers who were
confident have failed and vast numbers who were look-
428
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
ing to defeat somebody have perished before they b. c. 44
could strike. The party that is overreached in any
transaction is not bound to be fortunate just because
it is "WTonged, nor is the party which has the greater
power bound to be successful just because it sur-
passes, but both are equally subservient to human
uncertaiaty and the mutability of fortune, and the
issue they secure is often not in accordance with the
favorable prognostications of the one side, but proves
to be what the other actually dared not expect. As a
result of this, and of intense rivalry (for man is
strongly given when wronged or believing himself
wronged to become beyond measure bold) many are
on many occasions inspired to undergo dangers even
beyond their strength, with the determination to con-
quer or at least not to perish utterly without having
shed some blood. So it is that partly conquering and
partly defeated, sometimes gaining the mastery over
others and again falling prostrate themselves, some
are altogether annihilated and others gain a Cadmean
victory, as it is called, and at a time when the knowl-
edge can avail them nothing they perceive that their
plans were iU drawn.
* ' That this is so you also have learned by experience. _ 28 —
Consider, Marius for some time had power in seditions ;
then he was driven out, collected a force, and accom-
plished what you know. Likewise Sulla — not to
speak of Cinna or Strabo or the rest who intervene —
influential at first, then subdued, then making himself
ruler, authorized every possible terrible severity.
429
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 After tliat Lepidus, evidently with, the intention of
following in their footsteps, instituted a kiad of se-
dition of his own and stirred nearly the whole of Italy.
When we at last got rid of him too, remember what
we suffered from Sertonus and from the exiles with
him. Wha,t did Pompey, what did this Caesar himself
do ? — not to mention here Catiline or Clodius. Did
they not at first fight against each other, and that in
spite of their relationship, and then fill full of count-
less evils not only our own city or even the rest of
Italy, but practically the entire world? "Well, after
Pompey 's death and that great destruction of the citi-
zens, did any quiet appear? Whence could it? By
no means. Africa knows, Spain knows the multitudes
who perished in each of those lands. What then?
Did we have peace after this? How is it possible,
when Caesar himself lies slain in this fashion, the Capi-
tol is occupied, all through the Forum arms are seen,
— 29— and throughout the city fear exists? In this way,
when men begin a seditious career and seek ever to
repay violence with violence and inflict vengeance
without care for propriety, without care for human
limitations, but according to their desires and the
power that arms give them, there necessarily arises
in each such case a kind of circle of ills, and alternate
requitals of outrages take place. The fortunate party
abounds in insolence and sets no limits to the advan-
tage it may take, and the party that is crushed, if
it does not perish immediately, rages at the disaster
and is eager to take vengeance on the oppressor, until
it sate its wrath. Then the remainder of the mul-
430
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
titude, even if it lias not been previously involved in , ^-^-tL,
' ^ '^ {a. u. 710)
the transactions, now througli pity of the beaten and
envy of the victorious side, cooperates with the former,
fearing that it may suffer the same evils as the down-
trodden element and hoping that it may win the same
success as the force temporarily in the ascendant.
Thus the portion of the citizens that is not concerned
is brought into the dispute and one class takes the
evil up against another, through pretence of aveng-
ing the side which is for the moment at a disadvantage,
as if they were repelling a regular, everyday danger;
and individually they free themselves from it, but they
ruin the community in every way. Do you not see —30 —
how much time we have lost in fighting one another,
how many great evils we have endured meanwhile,
and, what is worse than that, inflicted? And who
could count the vast mass of money of which we have
stripped our allies and robbed the gods, which fur-
thermore we have contributed ourselves from what
we did not possess, and then expended it against one
another? Or who could number the mass of men that
have been lost, not only of ordinary persons (that is
beyond computation) but of knights and senators, each
one of whom was able ia foreign wars to preserve the
whole city by his life and death? How many Curtii,
how many Decii, Fabii, Gracchi, Marcelli, Scipiones
have been killed? Not, by Jupiter, to repel Samnites
or Latins or Spaniards or Carthaginians, but only to
perish themselves in the end. And for those under
arms who died, no matter how deep sorrow one might
431
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 feel for them, there is less reason to lament. They
{a. u. 710) . .
entered the battles as volunteers, if it is proper to call
volunteers men compelled by fear, and they met even
if an unjust at least a brave death, in an equal strug-
gle; and in the hope that they might even survive and
conquer they fell without grieving. But how might
one mourn as they deserve those who were pitiably
destroyed in their houses, in the roads, in the Forum,
in the senate-chamber even, on the Capitol even, by
violence — not only men but also women, not only
those in their prime, but also old men and children?
And after subjecting one another to so many of these
reprisals of such a nature as all our enemies put to-
gether never inflicted upon us (nor were we ever the
authors of anything similar to them), so far from
loathing such acts and manfully wishing to have done
with them, we rejoice and hold festivals and term those
who are guilty of them benefactors. Honestly, I can-
not deem this life that we have been leading human;
it is rather that of wild beasts which are consumed
by one another.
" For what is definitely past, however, why should
we lament further? We cannot now prevent its hav-
ing happened. Let us fix our attention upon the fu-
ture. That is, indeed, the reason why I have been
mentioning former events, not for the purpose of giv-
ing a list of national calamities which ought never to
have occurred, but that by exhibiting them I might
persuade you to preserve at least what is left. This
is the only benefit one can derive from evils, — to guard
432
-31 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
against ever again enduring anything similar. This B. c. 44
is most within your power at the present moment,
while the danger is just beginning, while not many
have yet united, and those who are unruly have gained
no advantage over one another nor suffered any set-
back, so that by hope of superiority or anger at infe-
riority they are led to enter danger heedlessly and
contrary to their own interests. Still, in this great
work you will be successful without undergoing any
toil or danger, without spending money or ordering
murders, but simply by voting just this, that no malice
shall be borne on the part of any. Even if any errors —32 —
have been committed by certain persons, this is not a
time to enquire carefully into them, nor to convict,
nor to punish. You are not at the moment sitting in
judgment over any one, that you should need to search
out what is just with absolute accuracy, but you are
deliberating about the situation that has arisen and
how the ecxcitement may in the safest way be allayed.
This is something we could not bring about, unless
we should overlook some few things, as we are wont to
do in the case of children. When dealing with them
we do not take all matters carefully into account, and
many things we of necessity overlook. For venial
sins it is not right to chastise them remorselessly, but
rather to admonish them gently. And now, since we
are not only named fathers of all the people in com-
mon, but are in reality such, let us not enter into a
discussion of all the fine points, lest we all incur ruin;
for anybody could find much fault with Caesar him-
voL. 2.-28 433
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 self so that he would seem to have been justly slain^
or again might bring heavy charges against those that
killed him, so that they would be thought to deserve
punishment. But such action is for men who are
anxious to arouse seditions again. It is the task of
those who deliberate rightly not to cause their own
hurt by meting out exact justice, but to win preserva-
tion by a use at the same time of clemency. Accord-
ingly, think of this that has happened as if it had been
a kind of hail storm or deluge that had taken place
and give it to forgetfulness. Now, if never before,
gain a knowledge of one another, since you are coun-
trymen and citizens and relatives, and secure harmony.
—33— " Now, that none of you may suspect that I wish to
grant any indulgence to Caesar's assassins to prevent
their paying the penalty, just because I was once a
member of Pompey's party, I will state one fact to
you. I think that all of you are firmly of the opinion
that I have never adopted an attitude of friendship
or hostility toward any one for purely personal rea-
sons, but it was always for your sake and for the pub-
lic freedom and harmony that I hated the one class
and loved the other. For this reason I will pass over
the rest that might be said, and make merely a brief
statement to you. I am so far from doing this that
I mentioned and not looking out for the public safety,
that I affirm the others, too, should be granted im-
munity for their high-handed acts, contrary to es-
tablished law, in Caesar's lifetime, and they ought to
keep the honors, offices, and gifts which they received
434
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
from him, thougli I am not pleased with some of them. , b. c. 44
. ,(».«. 710)
I should not advise you to do or to grant anything
further of the kind : but since it has been done, I think
you ought not to be troubled overmuch about any of
these matters. For what loss so far-reaching could
you sustain if A or B holds something that he has ob-
tained outside of just channels and contrary to his
deserts as the benefit you could attain by not causing
fear or disturbance to men who were formerly of
influence?
' ' This is what I have to say for the present, in the
face of pressing need. When feeling has subsided,
let us then consider any remaining subjects of
discussion."
Cicero by the foregoing speech persuaded the senate —34—
to vote that no one should bear malice against any one
else. While this was being done the assassins also
promised the soldiers that they would not undo any
of Csesar's acts. They perceived that the military
was mightily ill at ease for fear it should be deprived
of what he had given it, and so they made haste, be-
fore the senate reached any decision whatever, to an-
ticipate the others' wishes. Next they invited those
who were present there down below to come within
hearing distance, and conversed with them on matters
of importance; as a result of the conference they sent
down a letter to the Forum announcing that they
would take nothing away from anybody nor do harm
in other ways, and that the validity of all acts of
Caesar was confirmed. They also urged a state of
435
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 harmony, binding themselves by the strongest oaths
that they would be honest in everything. When, there-
fore, the decisions of the senate also were made known,
the soldiers no longer held to Lepidus nor did the
others have any fear of him, but hastened to become
reconciled, — chiefly at the instance of Antony, — quite
contrary to his intention. Lepidus, making a pretence
of vengeance upon Caesar, was anxious to institute a
revolution and as he had legions at his command he
expected that he would succeed to his position as ruler
and gain the mastery; these were his motives in en-
deavoring to further a conflict. Antony, as he per-
ceived his rival's favorable situation and had not him-
self any force at his back, did not dare to adopt any
revolutionary measures for the time being, and fur-
thermore he persuaded Lepidus (to prevent his be-
coming greater) to bow to the will of the majority.
So they came to terms on the conditions that had
been voted, but those on the Capitol would not come
down tm they had secur^ the son of Lepidus and
the son of Antony to treat as hostages; then Brutus
descended to Lepidus, to whom he was related, and
Cassius to Antony, being assured of safety. While
dining together they naturally, at such a juncture, dis-
cussed a variety of topics and Antony asked Cassius :
" Have you perhaps got some kind of dagger under
your arm even now ? " To which he answered : ' ' Yes,
and a big one, if you too should desire to play the
tyrant."
— 35 — This was the way things went at that time. No dam-
age was inflicted or expected, and the majority were
436
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
glad to be rid of Caesar's rule, some of them even con- b. c. u
. . , (a. u. 710)
ceivmg the idea of casting his body out unburied. The
conspirators well pleased did not undertake any fur-
ther superfluous tasks and were called " liberators "
and " tyrranicides." Later his will was read and the
people learned that he had made Octavius his son and
heir and had left Antony, Decimus, and some of the
other assassins to be the young man's guardians and
inheritors of the property in case it should not come to
him, and furthermore that he had directed various be-
quests to be given to different persons, and to the city
the gardens along the Tiber, as well as thirty denarii
(according to the record of Octavius himself) or
seventy-five according to some others, to each of the
citizens. This news caused an upheaval and Antony
fanned the flames of their resentment by bringing the
body most inconsiderately* into the Forum and expos-
ing it covered with blood as it was and with gaping
wounds. There he delivered over it a speech, in every
way beautiful and brilliant but not suited to the state
of the public mind at that time. His words were about
as follows : —
" If this man had died as a private citizen, Quirites, —36 —
and I had happened to be a private citizen, I should not
have needed many words nor have rehearsed all his
achievements, but after making a few remarks about
his family, his education, and his character, and pos-
sibly mentioning some of his services to the state, I
should have been satisfied and should have refrained
1 It is here, with this word, that one of the two most important
manuscripts of Dio (the codex Venetus or Marcianus 395) begins.
437
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 from becoming wearisome to those not related to him.
{a. u. 710) °
But since this man has perished while holding the high-
est position among you and I have received and hold
the second, it is requisite that I should deliver a two-
fold address, one as the man set down as his heir and
the other in my capacity as magistrate. I must not
omit anything that ought to be said but speak what
the whole people would have chanted with one tongue
if they could have obtained one voice. I am well aware
that it is difficult to hit your precise sentiments. Es-
pecially is it no easy task to treat matters of such mag-
nitude, — what speech could equal the greatness of the
deeds ? — and you, whose minds are insatiable because
of the facts that you know already, will not prove
lenient judges of my efforts. If the speech were being
made among men ignorant of the subject, it would be
very easy to content them, for they would be startled
by such great deeds : but as the matter stands, through
your familiarity with the events, it is inevitable that
everything that shall be said will be thought less than
the reality. Outsiders, even if through jealousy they
should distrust it, yet for that very reason must deem
each statement they hear strong enough : but your gath-
ering, influenced by good-will, must inevitably prove
impossible to satisfy. You yourselves have profited
most by Caesar's virtues and you demand his praises
not half-heartedly, as if he were no relation, but out of
deep affection as one of your very own. I shall strive
therefore to meet your wishes to the fullest extent, and
I feel sure that you will not criticise too closely my
438
— 37-
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
command of words or conception of the subject, but ^'^ffo^
will, out of your kindness of beart, make up whatever is
lacking in that respect.
' * I shall speak first about his lineage, though not be-
cause it is very brilliant. Yet this too has considerable
bearing on the nature of excellence, that a man should
have become good not through force of circumstances
but by inherent power. Those not bom of noble par-
ents may disguise themselves as honest men but may
also some day be convicted of their base origin by in-
nate qualities. Those, however, who possess the seed
of honesty, descending through a long line of ancestors,
cannot possibly help having an excellence which is of
spontaneous growth and permanent. Still, I do not
now praise Caesar chiefly because he was sprung from
many noble men of recent times and kings and gods of
ancient days, but because in the first place he was a
kinsman of our whole city, — we were founded by the
men that were his ancestors, — and secondly because he
not only confirmed the renown of his forefathers who
were believed by virtue to have attained divinity, but
actually increased it ; if any person disputed formerly
the possibility of ^neas ever having been bom of
Venus, he may now believe it. The gods in past times
have been reported as possessing some unworthy chil-
dren, but no one could deem this man unworthy to have
had gods for his ancestors, ^neas himself became
king, as likewise some of his descendants. This man
proved himself so much superior to them that whereas
they were monarchs of Lavinium and Alba, he refused
439
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 to become king of Rome ; and whereas they laid the
(a. u. 710) * ' ■'
foundation of our city, he raised it to such heights that
among other services he established colonies greater
than the cities over which they ruled.
— 38 — " Such, then, is the state of his family. That he passed
through a childhood and education corresponding to
the dignity of his noble birth how could one feel better
assureji than by the certain proofs that his deeds af-
ford? When a man possesses conspicuously a body that
is most enduring and a soul that is most steadfast in
the face of all contingencies alike of peace and war, is
it not inevitable that he must have been reared in the
best possible way? And I tell you it is difiicult for any
man surpassingly beautiful to show himself most en-
during, and difficult for one who is strong in body to
attain greatest prudence, but most difficult of all for the
same man to shine both in words and in deeds. Now
this man — I speak among men who know the facts, so
that I shall not falsify in the least degree, for I should
be caught in the very act, nor heap up exaggerated
praises, for then I should obtain the opposite results
of what I wish. If I do anything of the kind, I shall be
suspected with the utmost justice of braggadocio, and
it will be thought that I am making his excellence less
than the reputation which already exists in your own
minds. Every utterance delivered under such condi-
tions, in case it admits even the smallest amount of
falsehood, not only bestows no praise on its subject
but defeats its own ends. The knowledge of the hear-
ers, not agreeing with the fictitious declaration, takes
440
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
refuge in truth, where it quickly finds satisfaction and b. c. 44
learns as well what the statement ought to have been ; " '
and then, comparing the two, detects the difference.
Stating only the truth, therefore, I afi&rm that this
Caesar was at the same time most able in body and most
amiable in spirit. He enjoyed a wonderful natural
talent and had been scrupulously trained in every kind
of education, which always enabled him (not unnat-
urally) to comprehend everything that was needed with
the greatest keenness, to interpret the need most plau-
sibly, and to arrange and administer matters most
prudently. No shifting of a favorable situation could
come upon him so suddenly as to catch him off his
guard, nor did a secret delay, no matter how long the
postponenEient, escape his notice. He decided always
with regard to every crisis before he came in contact
with it, and was prepared beforehand for every con-
tingency that could happen to him. He understood well
how to discern sharply what was concealed, to dissimu-
late what was evident in such a way as to inspire confi-
dence, to pretend to know what was obscure, to conceal
what he knew, to adapt occasions to one another and to
give an account of them, and furthermore to accomplish
and cover successfully in detaU the ground of every
enterprise. Aproofofthisis that in his private affairs — 39 _;
he showed himself at once an excellent manager and
very liberal, being careful to keep permanently what
he inherited, but lavish in spending with an unsparing
hand what he gained, and for all his relatives, except
the most impious, he possessed a strong affection. He
441
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 (Ji(j not neglect any of them in misfortune, nor did lie
envy them in good fortune, but lie helped the latter to
increase their previous property and made up the de-
ficiencies for the former, giving some money, some
lands, some offices, some priesthoods. Again, he was
wonderfully attached to his friends and other associ-
ates. He never scorned or insulted any one of them,
but while courteous to all alike he rewarded many times
over those who assisted him in any project and won
the devotion of the rest by benefits, not bowing to any
one of brilliant position, nor humiliating any one who
was bettering himself, but as if he himself were being
exalted through all their successes and acquiring
strength and adornment he took delight in making the
largest number equal with himself. While he behaved
thus toward his friends and acquaintances, he did not
show himself cruel or inexorable even to his enemies,
but many of those who had come into collision with
him personally he let off scotfree, and many who had
actually made war against him he released, giving some
of them honors and offices. To this degree was he in
every way inclined to right conduct, and not only had
no baseness in his own making, but would not believe
that it was found in anybody else.
—40— " Since I have reached these statements, I will begin
to speak about his public services. If he had lived a
quiet existence, perhaps his excellence would never
have come to light ; but as it was, by being raised to the
highest position and becoming the greatest not only of
his contemporaries but of all the rest who had ever
wielded any influence, he displayed it more conspicu-
ously. For nearly all his predecessors this supreme
442
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
aiitliority had served only to reveal their defects, but b. c. 44
him it made more Imninous : through the greatness of
his excellence he undertook correspondingly great
deeds, and was found to be a match for them ; he alone
of men after obtaining for himself so great good for-
tune as a result of true worth neither disgraced it nor
treated it wantonly. The brilliant successes which he
regularly achieved on his campaigns and the highmind-
edness he showed in everyday duties I shall pass over,
although they are so great that for any other man they
would constitute sufficient praise : but in view of the dis-
tinction of his subsequent deeds, I shall seem to be
dealing with small matters, if I rehearse them all with
exactness. I shall only mention his achievements while
ruling over you. Even all of these, however, I shall
not relate with minute scrupulousness. I could not
possibly give them adequate treatment, and I should
cause you excessive weariness, particularly since you
already know them.
' ' First of all, this man was praetor in Spain, and find- — 4i —
ing it secretly hostile did not allow the inhabitants un-
der the protection of the name of peace to develop into
foes, nor chose to spend the period of his governor-
ship in quiet rather than to effect what was for the ad-
vantage of the nation; hence, since they would not
agree to alter their sentiments, he brought them to their
senses without their consent, and in domg so so far
surpassed the men who had previously won glory
against them as keeping a thing is more difficult than
acquiring it, and reducing men to a condition where
they can never again become rebellious is more profit-
able than rendering them subject in the first place,
443
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. C.44 while their power is still undiminished. That is the
(tti «. 710)
reason that you voted him a triumph for this and gave
him at once the office of consul. As a result of your
decree it became most plainly evident that he had
waged that war not for his own desires or glory, but
was preparing for the future. The celebration of the
triumph he waived on account of pressing business,
and after thanking you for the honor he was satisfied
with merely that to secure his glory, and entered upon
— 42— the consulship. Now all his administrative acts in this
city during the discharge of that office would be verily
countless to name. And as soon as he had left it and
been sent to conduct war against the Gauls, notice how
many and how great were his achievements there. So
far from causing grievances to the allies he even went
to their assistance, because he was not suspicious at all
of them and further saw that they were wronged. But
his foes, both those dwelling near the friendly tribes,
and all the rest that inhabited Gaul he subjugated, ac-
quiring at one time vast stretches of territory and at
another unnumbered cities of which we knew not even
the names before. All this, moreover, he accomplished
so quickly, though he had received neither a competent
force noK sufficient money from you, that before any of
you knew that he was at war he had conquered; and he
settled affairs on such a firm basis and^ . . ., that
as a result Celtica and Britain felt his footstep. And
now is that Gaul enslaved which sent against us the
Ambrones and the Cimbri, and is entirely cultivated
like Italy itself. Ships traverse not only the Ehone or
iMost editors have gotten over the difficulty of this "and" in the
MS. by omitting it. Dindorf, however, believed it to indicate a real gap^
444
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
tiie Arar, but the Mosa, the Liger, the very Ehine, and b. c. 44
the very ocean. Places of which we had not even heard
the titles to lead us to think that they existed were like-
wise subdued for us : the formerly unknown he made
accessible, the formerly unexplored navigable by his
greatness of purpose and greatness of accomplishment.
And had not certain persons out of envy formed a fac- —43 —
tion against him, or rather us, and forced him to return
here before the proper time, he would certainly have
subdued Britain entire together with the remaining
islands surrounding it and all of Celtica to the Arctic
Ocean, so that we should have had as borders not land
or people for the future, but air and the outer sea.
For these reasons you also, seeing the greatness of his
mind and his deeds and good fortune, assigned him the
right to hold office a very long time, — a privilege which,
from the hour that we became a democracy has be-
longed to no other man, — I mean holding the leader-
ship during eight whole years in succession. This
shows that you thought him to be really winning all
those conquests for you and never entertained the sus-
picion that he would strengthen himself to your hurt.
" No, you desired that he should spend in those re-
gions as long a time as possible. He was prevented,
however, by those who regarded the government as no
longer a public but their own private possession, from
subjugating the remaining countries, and you were kept
from becoming lords of them all ; these men, making an
ill use of the opportunity given them by his being occu-
pied, ventured upon many impious projects, so that you
came to require his aid. Therefore abandoning the vie- —44—
tories within his grasp he quickly brought you assist-
445
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 ance, freed all Italy from tlie dangers in wMch it had be-
(a. u. 710) ' . '' °
come involved, and furthermore won back Spain which
had been estranged. Then he saw Pompey, who had aban-
doned his fatherland and was setting up a kingdom of
his own in Macedonia, transferring thither all your pos-
sessions, equipping your subjects against you, and using
against you money of your own. So at first he wished
to persuade Pompey somehow to stop and change his
course and receive the greatest pledges that he should
again attain a fair and equal position with him ; and he
sent to him both privately and publicly. When, however,
he found himself unable in any way to effect this, but
Pompey burst all restraints, even the relationship that
had existed between himself and Csesarj and chose to
fight against you, then at last he was compelled to begin
a civil war. And what need is there of telling how
daringly he sailed against him in spite of the winter, or
how boldly he assailed him, though Pompey held all the
strong positions there, or how bravely he vanquished
him though much inferior in number of soldiers? If
a man wished to examine each feature in detail, he
might show the renowned Pompey to have been a child,
so completely was he outgeneraled at every point.
— 45— " But this 'I will omit, for Csesar himself likewise
never took any pride in it, but he accepted it as a dispen-
sation of destiny, repugnant to him personally. When
Heaven had most justly decided the issue of the battle,
what man of those then captured for the first time did he
put to death? Whom, rather, did he not honor, not alone
senators or knights or citizens in general, but also allies
446
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
and subjects? No one of them either died a violent b. c. 44
(a. u, 710)
deatn, or was made defendant in court, no individual,
no king, no tribe, no city. On the contrary, some ar-
rayed themselves on his side, and others at least ob-
tained immunity with honor, so that then all lamented
the men that had been lost. Such exceeding humanity
did he show, that he praised those who had cooperated
with Pompey and allowed them to keep everything the
latter had given them, but hated Pharnaces and Orodes,
because though friends of the vanquished they had not
assisted him. It was chiefly for this reason that he not
long after waged war on Pharnaces, and was preparing
to conduct a campaign against Orodes. He certainly
[would have spared] even [Pompey himself if] he had
captured him alive.* A proof of this is that he did not
pursue him at once, but allowed him to flee at his
leisure. Also he was grieved to hear of Pompey 's
death and did not praise his murderers, but put them to
death for it soon after, and even destroyed besides
Ptolemy himself, though a chUd, because he had allowed
his benefactor to perish.
' ' How after this he brought Egypt to terms and how — 46 —
much money he conveyed to you from there it would be
superfluous to relate. And when he made his campaign
against Pharnaces, who already held considerable of
Pontus and Armenia, he was on the same day reported
to the rebel as approaching him, was seen confronting
him, engaged in conflict with him, and conquered him.
1 The words in brackets are Reiske's conjecture for filling the gap
in the MS. Other editors use slightly different phraseology of like
purport.
447
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 This better than anything else established the truth of
the assertion that he had not become weaker in Alexan-
dria and had not delayed there out of voluptuousness.
For how could he have won that victory so easily with-
out employing a great store of insight and great force?
When now Pharnaces had fled he was preparing to con-
duct a campaign at once against the Parthian, but as
certain quarrels were taking place there he withdrew
rather unwillingly, but settled this dispute, too, so that
no one would believe there had been a disturbance. Not
a soul was killed or exiled or even dishonored in any
way as a result of that trouble, not because many might
not justly have been punished, but because he thought it
right while destroying enemies unsparingly to preserve
citizens, even if they were poor stuff. Therefore by his
bravery he overcame foreigners in war, but out of his
humanity kept unharmed the seditious citizens, al-
though many of them by their acts had often shown
themselves unworthy of this favor. This same policy
he followed again both in Africa and in Spain, releas-
ing all who had not before been captured and been made
recipients of his mercy. To grant their lives invariably
to such as frequently plotted against him he deemed
folly, not hmnanity. On the other hand, he thought it
quite the duty of a manly man to pardon opponents on
the occasion of their first errors and not to keep an in-
exorable anger, yes, and to assign honors to them, but if
they clung to their original course, to get rid of them.
Yet why did I say this? Many of them also he pre-
served by allowing all his associates and those who had
helped him conquer to save, one each, the life of a cap-
tive.
448
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
" Moreover, that he did all this from inherent excel- —47 —
lence and not from pretence or to gather any advan- (a. "«. 710)
tage, as others in large numbers have displayed hu-
maneness, the greatest evidence is that everywhere and
under all circumstances he showed himself the same :
anger did not brutalize him nor good fortune corrupt
him; power did not alter, nor authority change him.
Yet it is very difficult when tested in so many enter-
prises of such a scope and following one another in
quick succession at a time when one has been successful
in some, is still engaged in conducting others, and only
suspects the existence of others, to prove equally effi-
cient on all occasions and to refrain from wishing to
do anything harsh or frightful, if not out of vengeance
for the past, at least as a measure of safeguard for the
future. This, then, is enough to prove his excellence.
He was so truly a scion of gods that he understood but
one thing, to save those that could be saved. But if
you want more evidence, it lies in this, that he took care
to have those who warred against him chastised by no
other hands than his own, and that he won back those
who in former times had slipped away. He had am-
nesty granted to all who had been followers of Lepidus
and Sertorius, and next arranged that safety should
be afforded all the survivors among those proscribed
by Sulla; somewhat later he brought them home from
exile and bestowed honors and offices upon the children
of all who had been slain by that tyrant. Greatest of
all, he burned absolutely every one of the letters con-
taming secret information that was found in the tent of
either Pompey or Scipio, not reading or noticing any I
portion of them, in order that no one else might derive
VOL. 2.-29 449
— 48 —
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 from them the power to play the rogue. That this was
not only what he said, but what he did, his acts show
clearly. No one as a result of those letters was even
frightened, let alone suffering any great calamity. And
no one knows those who escaped this danger except
the men themselves. This is most astonishing and has
nothing to surpass it, that they were spared before
being accused, and saved before encountering danger,
and that not even he who saved their lives learned who
it was he pitied.
" For these and aU his other acts of lawmaking and
reconstruction, great in themselves, but likely to be
deemed small in comparison with those others into
which one cannot enter minutely, you loved him as
a father and cherished him as a benefactor, you glo-
rified him with such honors as you bestowed on no one
else and desired him to be continual head of the city
and of the whole domain. You did not dispute at all
about titles, but applied them all to him as being still
less than his merits, with the purpose that whatever
was lacking in each one of them, of what was consid-
ered a proper expression of the most complete honor
and authority might be made up by what the rest con-
tributed. Therefore, as regards the gods he was ap-
pointed high priest, as regards us consul, as regards
the soldiers imperator, and as regards the enemy dic-
tator. But why do I enumerate these details, when in
one phrase you called him father of his country, — not
to mention the rest of his titles'?
49— " Yet this father, this high priest, this inviolable be-
450
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
ing, hero, god, is dead, alas, dead not by the violence of b. c. u
. -, {a. u. 710)
some disease, nor exhausted by old age, nor wounded
abroad somewhere in some war, nor snatched away
irresistibly by some supernatural force: but plotted
against here within the walls — the man that safely
led an army into Britain; ambushed in this city —
the man who had increased its circuit; struck down
in the senate-house — the man. that had reared another
such edifice at his own charge; unarmed the brave
warrior; defenceless the promoter of peace; the judge
beside the court of justice; the governor beside the
seat of government; at the hands of the citizens —
he whom none of the enemy had been able to kill
even when he fell into the sea; at the hands of his
comrades — he who had often taken pity on them.
Where, Caesar, was your humaneness, where your in-
violability, where the laws? You enacted many laws
to prevent any one's being killed by personal foes, yet
see how mercilessly your friends killed you, and now
slain you lie before us in that Forum through which
you often crowned led triumphal marches, wounded
unto death you have been cast down upon that rostra
from which you often addressed the people. Woe for
the blood-bespattered locks of gray, alas for the rent
robe, which you assumed, it seems, only to the end that
you might be slain in it!"
At this deliverance of Antony's the throng was at —50—
first excited, then enraged, and finally so inflamed with
passion that they sought his murderers and reproached
the senators besides, because the former had killed
451
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 and the latter had beheld without protest the death of a
(a. «. 710) ^
man m whose behalf they had voted to offer yearly
prayers, by whose Health and Fortune they took oaths,
and whom they had made sacrosanct equally with the
tribimes. Then, seizing his body, some wished to convey
it to the room in which he had been slaughtered, and
others to the Capitol and to bum it there : but being
prevented by the soldiers, who feared that the theatres
and temples would be burned to the ground at the
same time, they placed it upon a pyre there in the
Forum, just as they were. Even under these circum,'-
stances many of the surrounding buildings would!
have been destroyed, had not the soldiers presented an
obstacle, and some of the bolder spirits the consuls
forced over the cliffs of the Capitol. For all that the
remainder did not cease their disturbance, but rushed
to the houses of the murderers, and during the excite-
ment they killed without reason Helvius Cinna, a trib-
une, and some others; this man had not only not
plotted against Cassar, but was one of his most devoted
friends. Their error was due to the fact that Cornelius
— 51— Cinna the praetor had a share in the attack. After this
the consuls forbade any one outside the ranks of sol-
diers to carry arms. They accordingly refrained from
assassinations, but set up a kind of altar on the site of
the pyre — his bones the freedmen had previously taken
up and deposited in the ancestral tomb — and undertook
to sacrifice upon it and offer victims to Caesar, as to a
god. This the consuls overturned and punished some
who showed displeasure at the act, also publishing a
452
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
law that no one should ever again be dictator. In fact b. c. u
they invoked curses and proclaimed death as the pen-
alty upon any man who should propose or support such
a measure, and furthermore they fined the present mal-
contents directly. In making this provision for the
future they seemed to assume that the shamefulness of
the deeds consisted in the names, whereas these oc-
currences really arose from the supremacy of arms and
the character of each individual, and degraded the titles
of authority in whatever capacity exercised. For the
time being they despatched immediately to the colonies
such as held allotments of land previously assigned by
Caesar ; this was from fear that they might cause some
disturbance. Of Caesar's slayers they sent out some,
who had obtained governorships, to the provinces, and
the rest to various different places on one pretext or
another : and these persons were honored by many per-
sons as benefactors.
In this way Caesar disappeared from the scene. Inas- — 58 —
much as he had been slain in Pompey's edifice and near
his statue which at that time stood there, he seemed in
a way to have afforded his rival his revenge; and this
idea gained ground from the fact that tremendousi
thunder and a furious rain occurred. In the midst of
that excitement there also took place the following in-
cident, not unworthy of mention. One Gaius Casca,
a tribime, seeing that Ciana had perished as a result
of his name being similar to the praetor's, and fearing
that he too might be kUled, because Publius Servilius
Casca was one of the tribunes and also one of the assas-
453
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
B. c. 44 sins, issued a book wMcli showed that they had in corn-
la. u. 710) ''
mon only one and the same name and pointed out their
difference of disposition. Neither of them suffered
any harm (for Servilius was strongly guarded) and
Gains won some consideratioUj so that he is remem-
bered by this act.
— 53 — These were the proceedings, at that time, of the con-
suls and the rest. Dolabella was invested with his office
by Antony, who feared that he might cause a sedition,
although he was at first not disposed to take such ac-
tion, on the ground that Dolabella had not yet the right
to it. "When, however, the excitement subsided, and An-
tony himself was charged with investigating the acts of
Caesar's administration and carrying out all the latter 's
behests, he no longer kept within bounds. As soon as
he had got hold of the dead man's documents, he made
many erasures, and many substitutions, — inserting
laws as well as other matter. Moreover, he deprived
some of money and offices, which in turn he gave to
others, pretending that in so doing he was carrying out
Caesar's directions. Next he made many seizures on
the spot, and collected large sums of money from in-
dividuals, peoples and kings, selling to some land, to
others liberty, to others citizenships, to others exemp-
tion from taxes. This was done in spite of the fact that
the senate at first had voted that no tablet should be set
up on account of any contract that Caesar had made
(all such transactions were inscribed on bronze tablets),
and later, when Antony persisted, declaring that many
urgent matters had been provided for by his chief, it
454
DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
had ordered that all the foremost citizens should join in
passing upon them. He, however, paid no attention to
this, and had an utter contempt for Octavius, who as a
stripling and inexperienced in business had declined
the inheritance because it was troublesome and hard to
manage : and Antony himself, assuming to be the heir
not only of the property but also of the supremacy of
Caesar, managed everything. One of his acts was to re-
store some exiles. And siace Lepidus had great power
and caused him considerable fear, he gave his daughter
in marriage to this leader's son and made arrange-
ments to have the latter appointed high priest, so as to
prevent any meddling with enterprises which he had on
foot. In order to carry out this plan with greater ease,
he diverted the choice of high priest from the people
back to the priests, and in company with the latter he
consecrated him, performing few or none of the ac-
customed rites, though he might have secured the
priesthood for himself.
B. C. 44
(a. u. 710)
455
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